Politics is beginning to surround the Rs.350-crore package announced by the Yumnam Khemchand Singh government for women in the state. The Chief Minister formally announced the package on March 9, 2026, while presenting the 2026–27 State Budget in the Manipur Legislative Assembly. The Budget earmarked Rs.350 crore under the “Scheme for Economic Empowerment of Women through Self Help Groups (SHGs),” which is intended to benefit around 3.5 lakh women.
Manipur has been in crisis for more than three years, with no clear way forward towards restoring peace. What began as a Kuki-Meitei conflict has widened, with tensions now also emerging between Kuki and Naga groups, further worsening the situation. With the crisis involving the three communities, Manipur remains in a state of uncertainty.
The tenure of the 12th Manipur Legislative Assembly, comprising 60 seats, ends on March 13, 2027. It is a constitutional requirement that elections be conducted before the Assembly’s term expires. Article 172(1) of the Constitution provides that a State Legislative Assembly normally continues for five years from the date appointed for its first meeting, unless it is dissolved earlier. At the end of the five-year term, the Assembly is dissolved.
The Election Commission of India has also begun preparations for the 2027 Assembly elections in the five poll-bound states of Manipur, Goa, Punjab, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.
Manipur currently has a BJP-led government, and the BJP’s intention is to conduct the election in Manipur and secure a majority to retain power in the 13th Manipur Legislative Assembly, irrespective of whether the prevailing situation provides a conducive atmosphere for conducting an election in the state.
The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral roll has been completed, with the final electoral roll published on September 6, 2026, for all 60 Assembly constituencies. The final roll contains 19,60,620 electors, including 10,06,962 women and 9,53,350 men.
The prolonged crisis has caused suffering across the state, directly or indirectly. Yet, despite a population of around 30 lakh, fewer than one lakh people have visibly stood up for their rights and those of the people as a whole. Only a few thousand have taken to the streets to protest against what they see as the failure of the BJP and its alliance government. The rest have largely been seen engaging with BJP and alliance ministers, MLAs and workers, seeking to secure their own survival by lining up for the Rs.10,000 benefit under the Scheme for Economic Empowerment of Women through Self Help Groups (SHGs), seeking benefits under the Nongthongleima Scheme and other government schemes, including employment opportunities notified by various departments.
Leaving aside the hill areas, there are 40 Assembly constituencies in the valley districts. If the entire Rs.350-crore allocation under the Scheme for Economic Empowerment of Women through Self Help Groups (SHGs) is distributed, around 3.5 lakh women will benefit. With each Assembly constituency in the valley having roughly 20,000 to 30,000 electors, an average of around 5,800 electors could be beneficiaries in each constituency.
These beneficiaries are individual women from different families.
In addition to the beneficiaries of the women’s scheme, job seekers and contractors could further increase the number of people whose interests are directly linked to the government. Given the BJP’s electoral strategy, it would not be unreasonable to assume that more than 10,000 voters in each valley Assembly constituency could potentially have a direct or indirect interest in government benefits and opportunities.
If 10,000 votes are secured, it would not be difficult for a candidate and the party in power to attract additional voters. Therefore, unless there is a direct contest between two major candidates, the presence of multiple candidates in the fray could improve the BJP’s chances of winning.
In the last State Assembly election, Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh secured 8,709 votes to win the Singjamei Assembly constituency. With these electoral tools already available to the BJP, and with the party in power, the BJP could be hopeful of returning to power.
On the other hand, people and almost every political party are creating awareness among voters that the Rs.10,000 assistance for women, the Nongthongleima Scheme, old-age pensions and employment opportunities are government schemes and programmes. In other words, these are public welfare measures and not benefits provided by the BJP as a political party.
The question now is whether the people of Manipur will vote for BJP candidates or choose other political alternatives. The answer will ultimately be a test of democracy in the state.
The question is particularly significant because of concerns that voters in Manipur may have short memories and that, during elections, the suffering of the people could once again be overshadowed by electoral promises and political rhetoric.
