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Saturday, 16 November 2019 - Imphal Times

Released UNLF Organisation Secretary Moirangthem Joy @ Nongyai reached Imphal; Appeals people not to lead the issue with sentiments

IT News

Imphal, Nov. 16

Former Organisation Secretary of the armed rebel group United National Liberation Front (UNLF) Moirangthem Joy @ Nongyai, who has been released from Guwahati Central jail on November 14 after completing jail term, arrived at Imphal today.

He was received by a large group of people by welcoming him with garland as he walk out of the Bir Tikendrajit International Airport here in Imphal today afternoon. Talking to reporters who have been waiting for his arrival, Nongyai said that Manipur is facing a complex issue and dealing the issue with sentiment or emotion will bring no good. He appealed people to settle this matter putting the sentiment under control. 

“The present issue is very complex, it should be settled putting the mind under control. Any move with emotion or sentiment to deal with this issue may lead to catastrophe affecting politics of the state in the coming Days”, Nongyai said.

On a question by reporters on what will be his next stand, Nongyai said that as of now he don’t want to give any comment.

About his days in the Guwahati Central Jail, Nongyai said that they were given all facilities that a human being should have. He said almost all the jail authority treated them like brothers. They were provided bed, table and chair for reading and besides under his initiative a Gym has also been opened in the jail, perhaps the Gym is the first of its kind in all jails across the country. He said the Guwahati Central Jail is much better place than the one here in Imphal.  

Moirangthem Joy Singh @ Joyjao @ Nongyai hails from Wabagai Kadagit under Kakching Police Station of Kakching district. He was convicted by NIA Special Court for a term of 10 years imprisonment. He was charge sheeted by the Special NIA under Section 121 A IPCand Section 18/20 UA(P) Act .

Mention may be made that former Chairman of the UNLF RK Meghen @ Sanayaima has been released from the same prison on November 9. But for reason best known to the authority, Meghen was not allowed to return back here in the state. The MHA official took him to New Delhi on November 12 and his whereabouts is still not made public even as the MHA authority had assured full security for him.

On being asked about Meghen, Nongyai said that people should not take him negatively. He said that Meghen cannot be rearrested as he had not committed any crime neither he had committed sedition act.

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Moreh PS OC Letkhohao Vaiphei suspended on drug case

IT News

Imphal, Nov 16

Inspector Letkhohao Vaiphei, who is posted as the Officer in Charge of Moreh Police Station along with 3 other police personnel, were arrested in connection with the seizure of huge consignment of psychotropic drugs hidden inside his Moreh resident on November 12.

Under the order of Director General of Police, officer in-charge, Moreh Police station, Letkhohao Vaiphei, along with three other policemen, has been arrested and produced before the court for grave misconduct and dereliction of duty.

The order released on Thursday last signed by DGP, L M Khaute states that OC, Moreh police station, Letkhohao Vaiphei, was suspended in exercise of power under Rule 66 Assam Police Manual part-III.

Information intercepted by Imphal Times said that a team of Tengnoupal district police comprising of Addl.SP/Tengnoupal, SDPO/ Moreh and Moreh Police Station Team under the supervision of Th. Vikramijit Singh, SP/Tengnoupal along with executive magistrate, SDO/ Moreh rushed to the particular house and made a house search in presence of the owner of the house and the executive magistrate on November 12 at around10 pm after getting specific information. The house is located at New Moreh, Ward No. 9.

On being raided, 34 (thirty four) carton boxes were found in a room. In opening one of the carton box, it was found containing Ketamine Injection P labelled as KETAMAX*50. All the 34 (thirty four) carton boxes containing 10755 (Ten thousand seven hundred fifty five) bottles of suspected to be Ketamine Injection IP labelled as 30 ML Ketamine Injection IP (50 mg/ml) labelled as KETAMAX* 50 were seized at around 09:00 PM in presence of executive magistrate.

Inspector Letkhohao Vaiphei along with the three have been today produced before court.

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Manipur State Journalist Awards, 2019 conferred to 8 journalists on National Press Day

IT News

Imphal, Nov. 16

Media gives voice to the voiceless, said Information and Public Relations Minister Thongam Biswajit Singh today during the National Press Day 2019 observation.

The National Press Day, 2019 cum Workshop on the theme of this year - “Reporting Interpretation - A journey” was observed at the Auditorium, DIPR New Complex, Nityaipat Chuthek, Imphal. As part of the observation, eight journalists of the State were awarded with the Manipur State Journalist Awards, 2019.

Speaking at the observation, Biswajit said journalists act as information providers and messengers. They give voice to the voiceless and help people know the truth. Journalism is all about dynamism and responsibility, he said explaining further that a reporter’s dynamism is characterised by his activities and progress.

He further asserted that it is also important for the journalists to understand the responsibility they have to take to bring development in the society.

He also talked on the importance of a balanced and unbiased reporting. He said a balanced reporting will only increase the credibility of the media house and the reporter.

While stating that media reports sometimes initiate discussions on the floor of the House, Biswajit explained that it is important for a news report to be balanced and accurate so that the House or the people are not misled by wrong and factually incorrect reporting.

Vision brings achievement, he said, explaining that vision or planning is required to start performing and bring achievement. 

Biswajit also congratulated the recipients of the Manipur State Journalist Awards, 2019.

Director (IPR) H. Balkrisna Singh said the DIPR and private media are two sides of the same coin.

He said the DIPR also plays the role of regulating and monitoring quality contents or irresponsible reporting and as such sometimes some sort of conflicts arises between the DIPR and local media persons.

The department is also committed towards bringing more transparency in its administration and bringing more welfare of the media persons, he added. He also spoke on the role of media in a democracy and further appealed for responsible reporting.

Chairman, MANITRON & MANIDCO Yumnam Radheshyam presided over the observation.

The recipients of the Manipur State Journalist Awards, 2019 are Nepram Krishnamohon Singh, Joint Editor Sanaleibak for Best Editor Award on National Integration & Communal Harmony,  Ashem Babycha Devi, Staff Reporter Hueiyen Lanpao (Science & Technology Reporting), Taorem Bishwajit Singh, Sub- Editor Sanaleibak ( Parliamentary Reporting), Sagolsem Bigyan, Reporter The People’s Chronicle ( Reporting with special reference to Women & Children),  R. K. Bullu Singh, Staff Reporter, Poknapham ( Reporting on Art & Culture ), Nomita Khongbantabam, Reporter, Hueiyen Lanpao ( Rural Reporting ), Heigrujam Sadananda Singh, Staff Reporter Poknapham ( Sports Reporting) and Khwairakpam Naoba, Video Journalist, ISTV News (Reporting on Public Health & Hygiene).

In the second session of the day, Pradip Phanjoubam, Senior Journalist moderated a workshop on the theme “Reporting- Interpretation: A Journey”. Sobhaphati Samom, Member All Manipur Working Journalists’ Union, Yumnam Rupachandra, Secretary General Editors Guild Manipur and Sothing Shimray, Member Manipur Hill Journalists’ Union presented papers as resource persons which was followed by an interaction & discussion session.

The session was attended by members of the journalist fraternity of the State and officers and staffs of the department.

It may be mentioned that the National Press Day is being observed on 16th November every year on different themes. It is symbolic of free and responsible press in India. This was the day on which the Press Council of India (PCI)  started functioning as a moral watchdog to ensure that not only did the press maintain the high standards expected from this powerful medium but also that it was not fettered by the influence or threats of any extraneous factors. November 16 personifies a responsible and free press in the country.

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Divided Manipur: Resistance to CAB may fail

They have completed dividing the entire people of the state into two groups. One -a group that support the demand put up by NSCN-IM and another that opposed any demand that might segregate the state into two administrative bodies, no matter the territorial boundary of the state remain undisturbed. Before the NSCN –IM started engaging in the cease fire agreement with the government of India and started political dialogue, there were many issue that these groups jointly fight against many issues like rampant violation of Human Rights by security forces under the shadow of the draconian Act AFSPA 1958, racial attacked to the people of this land in the mainland metropolitan cities, any attempt to extract the mineral resource from the state etc. . These groups always stand together and fight with the establishment when the government of India moved any action that might endanger the existence of the various ethnic community of Manipur.  One recent example is the common stand against the introduction of the contentious Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) without any differences before the parliamentary election.
The prevailing situation today seems that there will be no join struggle against the passing of the contentious CAB in the Parliament which will start session on November 18. It is loud and clear that the Narendra Modi Government is all set to table the CAB during this parliament session and in view of the number of BJP MPs it is going to pass. A clique of MP who will oppose it can’t save them from passing the Bill. Last time too the Bill was passed but didn’t table it at the Rajya Sabha – May be because Parliamentary election was knocking at the door and the BJP having understand the politics of CAB or they have no adequate numbers in the upper house. Except in the North Eastern part of this country and some intellectuals who want to maintain the sanctity of the Indian constitution and of course the opposition political part, there will be no show of any kind of large scale protest. The maximum resistance will be from the North Eastern States including Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Mizoram. The Central Government had already seen the protest in their attempt to pass the CAB, and obviously they would have planned to suppress the voice of the people against the passing of the contentious CAB Bill. Interestingly, almost all the states in the North East India are either BJP led government or Coalition government with the BJP. At a time when people in Manipur are raising strong agitation against the passing of the CAB, the BJP which promised to bring CAB in an amended form to grant citizenship to some particular community which follows religion like Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi or Christian coming from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan in their party election manifesto won 7 seats of the 14 seats from Assam. In Manipur, of the 2 MP seats BJP won the Inner Parliamentary Constituency. Still than it would be wrong to assume that passing of the CAB gets people mandate in the state of Assam or Manipur. The parliamentary election is not referendum on CAB. And this is well known to the Central leadership of the BJP.
Now, tension runs high in the three state of North East India due to the hasty move for bringing a final solution of the issues of the NSCN-IM and the NNPGs. Almost all civil bodies which are now engaging in democratic protest to resist any move that might disintegrate the Manipur in the wake of the final settlement of the Naga issue. And the supporters of the NSCN-IM is now celebrating on the presumption that the decade long insurgency problem will come to an end without knowing what are the agreed points between the two.
The content of the agreement is still not disclosed to anyone. Even the NNPGs and the NSCN-IM do not know what will the government of India agreed to the list of demands that they put. The Manipuri people are signaling possible outbreak if the solution affect the interest of the state. This means that a virtual but distinct line has been drawn and for sure the two groups may not jointly struggle to resist the passing of the CAB Bill.
Already the BJP members and representatives of the state of Manipur have been brain washed and are now openly supporting the CAB, even as they could not do it to the entire people of the state.  
Now as the people are now focusing the Naga issue, it is not sure to imagine a strong resistance to the passing of the CAB. After shrewdly plan to suppress the energy of the people, the CAB will be introduced. On the other hand the strong presence of security in Ukhrul district shows that the final settlement may not satisfy even to many cadres or hard core of the NSCN-IM. Similar presence of para military force in valley area and almost all districts of Manipur is a clear indication the government of India will used similar tactics which the government of India had successfully used in Jammu and Kashmir at the time of Abrogating the Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.
Manipur today is already divided , but it is not possible that the people unites if both the divided group realized that unity will be the only means to protect and safeguard the people of this region.

History – from Obscurity to Visibility?

This write up is an excerpt from the article – “Reflections on the Conflicts of our Times: Attempt at Common Sense reading of the Manipur Experience” written by Lokendra Arambam

The relationship between Manipur and Indian state through history need some understanding, though the relationship was never a harmonious one. (The term Manipur and India are themselves subjects of relative interpretation). From very ancient times, Manipur’s cultural and social orientation was towards the eastern direction, towards Myanmar and Southeast Asia. The pre-colonial Manipur state was an endogenous development, impelled by the nature of its geographic and ecological features, initiated by clan warriors who descended from up the mountains into the fertile valley below. The indigenous populations had origins from racial categories of Southern Mongoloid, with certain complicated admixtures between Proto-Austroloids and incoming layers of Tibeto-Burman speech communities. All these human groups shared habitat, geography, climate, faunal and floral environments, food habits, and ancient technological traits like loin loom and fly shuttle technologies in the plains. While the highlander denizens continued to bear the vagaries of the forest and mountain environments, those who came down in the plains were ushered into challenging the extensive flow of the river waters whose currents had to be controlled and utilized for developing livelihood systems. Wet rice agriculture, with the system of transplantation provided early impetus to change into peasant lifestyle and invention of better tools for food production technologies. The openness of the alluvial flood-plains helped ensophistication of religious beliefs, with a deep ecological consciousness of the notion of fertility of nature and veneration of ancestors. The initial tribal lifestyles of close clan formation and in-group consciousness were transformed into the need for greater integration on supra-village principality formations and the idea of a ritual theatre state, a designed architecture of governance and authority relationship through ritual was organized under a monarchical system, with war and matrimonial alliances binding the clan polities. An urge for civilization propelled the lowlanders into producing a philosophy of life, numerous literatures and texts thereby reflecting the literate status of the communities in the plains. Openness to outside influences and miscegenation with incoming migrants with various human groups resulted to a detribalized life-world of hydraulic civilization based on systematic networks of irrigation and flood control. Early possession of the plough, the horse and iron paved the path for rapid development in the ontology of the plains dwellers into a martial race. Citizen volunteers swift in horsemanship, swift in physical movements in the arts of swordsmanship, rapid in aggression or retreat, with tremendous spirit of sacrifice for the collective, emerged in the medieval period of expansion and conquest. A ranked society helped in smoothening of the governing bureaucracy indigenous in values and beliefs. The clan Piba (male elder of the clan) had been raised to the status of Kingship, and a system of circulation of royal princesses circulated amidst the rising international communities for peace and harmony. The territorial frontiers of the state was recognized in the international community first by the Upper Shan principalities and later by Burmans, the Ahoms, the Dimasas and the Bodos of Tripura.
With the international recognition of prestige, liberality and hospitality of the monarchical regime in the 15th century, the first migration of Brahmin populations, escaping from the violence of western Islamic invasions, was noticed, bringing along with them fresh notions of astrological and cosmological wisdom, along with pragmatic theories of kingship and elevation of the power and authority of the monarch to the status of divinity. The need for the integration of the clans, tribes and other communities into a well-structured poly-glot of cultures and demographies needed a higher religious system emphasizing the power and exhibitory faculties of the state represented by the monarch and his associates necessitating the conversion of the Meitei into Hinduism in the 18th century.
While Southeast Asian polities had easily assimilated themselves into the Indic cultural influences since the 4th to 14th centuries in the Common era, Manipur felt these influences while its social and political systems had already been well-established with a definite identity and status of its own. The conversion into Hinduism faced shift opposition from the proponents of the Meitei indigenous religion. But through the exercise of force and violence, subtle intimidation as well as public oppression, the king Garibniwaj (1709-1748) was able to effect a compromise with the clan elders, a sort of contract to accept the conversion into the Ramandi religion. Other indigenous religious systems of tribes and peripheral communities like the Chakpas retained their traditional systems. Christianity entered Manipur during the colonial era in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
The pre-colonial orientation of the Manipur state towards Indic connections, side by side with the conversion of the ruling kraton class into Hinduism was therefore an 18th century phenomenon. It also coincided with the political orientation towards British India since 1762 C.E., because of the expansion of the imperial Burmese ambitions directly affecting the geo-political awareness of the rulers, necessitating support from the Ahom dynasties as well as the East India Company. Total economic integration was unthinkable at that period of history for more than a hundred years. Manipur’s agricultural economy was based on subsistence with incipient trade relations with the proximate neighbouring countries. However the British defeat of Manipur in 1891 CE introduced forcible changes in the indigenous economic structures. The British introduced the Indian rupee as a medium of exchange replacing indigenous systems in 1892, and the Manipur resources were used to feed the imperial military establishments in Assam and the Northeastern region through the export of rice and cattle. Imports of British manufactured goods reached Imphal and the colonial economy altered the indigenous social structure by introducing a new imperial racial class of Marwaris and Bengalis for economic management and organization of the new revenue structures. The earlier migrant population of Brahmnis and Muslims had earlier been assimilated into the indigenous social structure, but the new demographic inputs through the colonial economy introduced a sort of contested pluralism, as different from the organic pluralism of the past. A lot of conflictual societal relationship was noticed similar to the system introduced in Burma by the colonial authorities.
The British also introduced a new system of administration totally rupturing the organic plurality of hill and plains relations. The Meitei ruler-ship was divested of administrative jurisdiction over the Hill people, and the administration of the Hill was given to the British political authority craftily institutionalized in the colonised polity. A system of dyarchy, separation of powers between the Maharajah and the British political agent was structured into the system. When the Hill citizens rebelled against the colonial authority in the first two or three decades of the 20th century, its character and form was later misinterpreted through the prism of awakened ethnicities, which became murky and unclear leading to serious conflicts in the era of ethnic identification movements. When the British left in 1947, leading to a precarious in-equilibrium from the convulsions of the Second World War all the efforts to restore traditional equilibrium of the polity was in vain. Manipur became a district of the vast territories of India through the integration in1949. One can imagine the consequences.

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