STORY OF THE SHILLONG ACCORD -1

During the last few years the Nagas seem to have acquired an ob­session for peace. Or at least for a climate of peace wherein cool heads divested of all the accumulated bitterness of the long struggle, could meet across the conference table, wherein as if by a miracle, the clashing ideological view­points would suddenly not matter at all in the overriding quest for peace.
That this very miracle has materialised in the concrete shape of the Shillong Accord is a testimony to the abiding faith of the Naga intelli­gentsia in the healing qualities of peace. In­deed it would be an extremely difficult matter to credit any particular body, whether social or political, for this achieve­ment. For, by and large, the faith of the Naga intelligentsia in peace-at-all-costs seem to cut across their political affiliations.
 Brokers of Peace
 The Church in the Naga Society had been no less a devout votary of peace in Nagaland. In the long story of the Naga conflict the church had been deeply involved over the quest of peace to the exclu­sion of political issues. Thus when the “Recon­ciliation” policy of the United Democratic Front seemed to be getting nowhere, when attitudes on both sides —viz, the Government of India and that of the Federal Government of Nagaland—seemed to be hardening, the church in the mid-70’s stepped into the peace-maker’s role in right earnest. Rev. Kenneth Kerhuo, Secretary of the Naga­land Peace Council, in the course of my inter­view with him narrated how a few church leaders had taken it upon themselves to go to Delhi in the latter part of 1974 to sound out the Government of India’s attitude towards a dialogue with the leaders of the Federal Government of Naga­land. They met Sri Dixit and the Union Home Minister Sri Brahmananda Reddy.
 The Government of India, they were- told, was favourably disposed to starting talks with the Underground Nagas provided “they gave up violence and secession­ist demands”. However, the proposal of the Church leaders that a “free zone” be delineated in Kohima district to facilitate contact with the Underground was refused by the Govern­ment of India. Having thus received the bless­ings of the Government of India, the Church leaders established the Nagaland Peace Council in February, 1975 with two representatives from each of the sixteen Naga tribes. Next, they set up a Liaision Com­mittee of five members in March 1975. From then on, armed with ‘safe conduct’ issued courtesy of the Gov­ernor of Nagaland, the Liaison Committee started looking for con­tacts with the Under­ground leaders.
Rebuff
By May, 1975, how­ever, the members of the Liaison Committee were able to establish contact first with Mr. Kevi Yallay. Through him contact with Mr Ramyo, Mr. Biseto Medom, Mr. I. Temjenba Ao, etc. were also established. Though these Underground leaders expressed their willingness to start talks with the Government of India, they also re­jected the pre-conditions set by the Government of India. They also asserted that if the talks were to be mean­ingful, it should be un­conditional.
 Capitulation
Undeterred by this initial rebuff, the mem­bers of the Liaision Committee invited these underground leaders to the Chedema Peace Camp for further talks. At this stage the Gov­ernor of Nagaland had deputed his two Spe­cial Secretaries, Mr. Ramunny and Mr. Zopianga, to participate in these talks. Through a series of meetings starting in August, 1975, the Liaision Commi­ttee members and the Governor’s deputees were able to wear dowh Mr. Kevi Yallay, Mr. Ramyo and others of the Underground. Finally these underground leaders agreed to “renounce violence and the secessionist demands” as a pre-con­dition for talks with the Government of India. The Shillong Accord of 11th November, 1975 followed close on the heels of this basic capitu­lation by these Under ground leaders.
New mood
A fairly broad spec­trum of opinion in the political circles in Nagaland is frankly optimistic about the Shillong Accord. They have even heralded it as a first step towards a final settlement of the Naga problem. The will to make the Shillong Accord a success despite likely obstacles is very much there among those members of the Peace Council and leaders of the Underground and others who are actively involved in the imple­mentation of the Shillong Accord. Though a dele­gation of Underground leaders is likely to go to London shortly to associate Phizo in subse­quent talks as envisaged under clause (3) of the Shillong Accord, the people who are behind the Shillong Agreement are quite prepared to go ahead even if Phizo, once upon a time the undisputed leader of the Naga people, should withhold his blessing. Perhaps this indicates the mood of the prime movers of the Shillong Accord.
The political parties in Nagaland have also staked their claims on having brought off the Shillong Accord,The United Democra­tic Front sees the Shi-long Accord as the vindication of their policy of “reconcilia­tion”. And the erst­while Naga National Organization, now merged into the Indian National Congress, are equally on firm grounds in claiming that their consistent attempts at winning over the Under ground into the fold of the Indian Constitution has at last borne fruit. They can even irrefuta­bly argue that in their efforts for peace since 1957 (they do trace back their peace efforts since their Naga People’s Convention days) they have paid with the lives of their own leaders. Without enter­ing into the controversy of which party deserves to be considered the sole and rightful heir to the Shillong Accord, it would perhaps only be fair to say that both parties have played their parts faithfully in under­mining the Underground Movement.
But it does not mean that there are no voices of dissent over the Shillong Accord. As Mr. Vizol, the ex-Chief Minister of Naga­land, told me, there are quite a number of people both in the Un­derground as well as in the overground who have a diametrically opposite view. Perhaps, under the prevailing atmos­phere of distrust and suspicion, such dissent­ing opinions have been driven underground.
******This write up was written by THOUNAOJAM TARUNKUMAR, EDITOR : RESISTANCE,weekly journal of Pan Manipuri Youth League and published on its Vol 1 No. 24 Edition of 29 June 1976. Imphal Times reproduced this taking prior permission from the Pan Manipuri Youth League.