By : Inamul Haq
On August 05, 2019, the state of Jammu and Kashmir was put into lockdown. On that fateful day, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah introduced in Parliament legislation to abrogate Article 370, 35(A) and reorganize the J&K state by bifurcating it into two Union Territories, Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh, with only the former having a legislative assembly. In a brief floor speech, Shah called Article 370 discriminatory on the basis of gender, class, caste, and place or origin, and contended that its repeal would spark investment, development and job creation in J&K. Next day, after the key legislation had passed both of Parliament’s chambers by large majorities and with limited debate and discussion, Prime Minister Modi lauded the legislation’s passage, declaring that &K is now free from their shackles and predicting that the changes will ensure integration and empowerment. All of his party’s National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition partners supported the legislation, as did many opposition parties (the main opposition Congress Party was opposed). The move also appears to be popular among the Indian public, possibly in part due to a post-Pulwama, post-election wave of nationalism that has been amplified by the country’s mainstream media.Proponents view the move as a long-overdue, master stroke righting of a historic wrong that left J&K underdeveloped and contributed to conflict there.
Basically, Article 370 was the only agreement that holds the autonomy to the state of J&K within theUnion of India. Autonomy or self-rule empowers the state government to address governance and administrative challenges and weaknesses with a greater degree of self-determination. The spirit of autonomy dictates that since decision-making is a local process, there is a greater probability that the locally-formulated government programmes will cater to the particular needs of the local community. Autonomy also gives the local community the opportunity to make their leaders accountable. However, most of the provisions of the Article were taken away secretly. The most visible provision of it maintaining special status to the state and it was also taken unconstitutionally on 5th August 2019. After communication blockade, I spend 20 days in the university and finally, I planned to travel back home. On 25th August, when I stepped out of the airport, I feel that the city is burning. People were salient as they were mourning of their beloved ones.As soon as I came out from airport, I went to government established taxi stand to book the cab. After asking the fair detail to my destination, I was not in such a position to book the cab. So, I decided to comeout from the airport. I got success in coming out and I reached Dalgate Srinagar,where some other passengers were waving hands to the private vehicles for lift. I left from Srinagar from 11 am and my travel distance to my destination was only 45 minutes. However, I reached 3:30 to my destination. The vehicle, who gave me lift had to remain stranded on the main road, until army vehicles can pass. In the vehicle, there were other people and I hesitantly said, this is disgusting, and we are worse than slaves. What will happen, if there is patient in the vehicle. They remained tight-lipped and did not utter a word. I felt that they are scared and are not comfortable to discuss or debate the recent move of Indian authority. In Kashmir, I remained for at least two months. During this period, I analysed the anger, depression, anxiety and alienation among people towards Indian State and found more pro-Pakistani sentiments. On 27th August, when Modi and Imran Khan addressed the United Nations General Assembly, people were eagerly for Imran Khan’s Speech. After his speech, there were pro-Pakistani and pro-freedom marches in Kashmir.As, I was an attendant in bone and joint hospital Barzullah Srinagar. I felt people rejoicing and appreciating the speech of the Imran Khan and making mockery of Modi. Without communication, internet and basic facilities, I imagined how strong Kashmiri people are. They are adjusting their habitual according the environment. But there is a question to the rest of India: does Modi and Amit shah integrated Kashmir with India or they created a wall between Kashmir and India. the deep alienation among people will come out in one way or other way and it will be more destructive. Frantz Fanon argues that in the struggle for freedom from colonizers, the alienation comes among the colonized as they are forced to the wall and they are being tortured. All this force the colonized to take guns in their hands and to stand face to face with forces, who are on the edge to take his life. The youth who are getting more inclined towards militancy is increasing. Looking at the current figure, the rise of local militancy is constantly increasing. This shows that India failed to win the hearts and minds of the people of Kashmir and trying to supress them with blood and iron policy. The growing radicalisation reminds the great historian Kalhan, who wrote in Rajtarangi that Kashmir can be won by power of sprit, but not by the power of sword.
