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UKLF says KNO/KNA clarification to the killing of its cadre as false propaganda

IT News

Imphal, July 18,

United Kuki Liberation Front (UKLF) today made a press statement terming the statement of the Kuki National Army by the name of T. Stephen Kuki on 14th July 2019 as false allegation regarding the gruesome murder of 2nd Lieutenant John Gangte by KNO/KNA on 13th July 2019.

Reacting the statement the UKLF said, “It is shocked to learn from the media report that the banned drug W.Y. packaged was recovered from the victim body. However, the Investigation Team of UKLF after thoroughly enquired and found some flaws on the reports. That, in the Seizure Memo of Moreh police signed by T. Paominlun Haokip, ASl of Moreh PS there is nothing mentioned about drugs being recovered from the body of Late 2nd Lieutenant John Gangte”. 

The statement added that the organisation have doubt upon the Investigation Officer to manipulate and change the seizure report in collusion with the culprits to tarnish the image of the organisation. Therefore, the media report made by KNO/KNA is baseless and just to mislead the investigation on the heinous crime they had committed.

“In fact, the organization suspected that there may be unholy nexus between T. Paominlun Haokip ASI (IO of the case) Moreh PS and that of KNO/KNA particularly Telsing Thangboi @ Thahpi Haokip of KNO/KNA Moreh Tactical OC who is the main culprit of the brutal killing of 2nd Lieutenant John Gangte”, the statement added.

The UKLF appealed the higher authority to intervene on these contradictory reports and urged to find out in whose nexus do KNO/KNA made such media reports. 

While stating that the UKLF always worked to eradicate the banned drugs substances and any form of anti social element in our operational area and never involved in such businesses and would never compromise on such matter, it questioned the concern government authority to why there had been no action taken against KNO/KNA whenever they committed heinous crimes repeatedly in Moreh when their involvement in the crime are visible from all corner or are they given a license to commit crimes and kill anyone at any time as they wish; If such is the case, then UKLF would be compelled to retaliate them on our own way and the concern government authority will be held responsible for it.

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How do we trust the peace talk between Government of India and NSCN(IM)?

By- Sh. Ajit
 
India’s Union Minister of State for Home, G. Kishan Reddy, has expressed in Lok Sabha that since the talk with NSCN(IM) is yet to come to a conclusion, it is not the right time to clearly speak on the matter. What does it mean? Prime Minister has also expressed the signing of the Framework Agreement between the leader of NSCN(IM) and Government of India to be very historic. What does it mean? Does it mean that the talk, which has been in a confused state to continue, is now going to have further steps to proceed? Or is it because of the signing done on a simple, plain piece of paper with the so-called Naga leaders? Earlier, during his visit to Manipur for election campaign for BJP, central government’s former Minister of State (Home), Kiren Rijiju, said that the reason for not bringing the agreement to the public is because the Framework Agreement is not ripe yet and an incomplete agreement. On the other hand, on the day of signing, the Prime Minister said that the agreement was “historic”. Being a doubtful matter, it gave rise to some serious concerns. Was the agreement signed in a hurry with nothing good to come out of it for naga people, but just to portray that Isak Chishi Swu, who was ill for a long time, did something when he was alive? Since (IM)’s political agenda had failed to make a proper mark in Nagaland, was it done as an initiation of a future agreement following Isak Chishi Swu’s Framework Agreement without any substance? After Isak’s demise, was there an attempt to allow the implementation of the final agreement in Nagaland on August 3? Was it an attempt to trick people of Nagaland into celebration for no reason with such an agreement that has no substance in it and put an end to their movement? Is the reason for keeping such an agreement hidden behind closed doors its irrelevance to the toils and troubles of nagas and its agenda being unrelated to bringing a fully democratic life to the people? It is a framework agreement with a lot of questionable matters.
Saying that the agreement has nothing harmful, yet keeping it as a secret, makes people of the neighbouring states of Nagaland extremely worried. The worry is also regarding the concern that it might disturb their historical and political structure. Their concern is also that the attempt to settle a movement by a Naga revolutionary group might bring about the disintegration of the relationships amongst various communities in their own states rooted in a historical line, which took thousands of years to build
On top of the confusion and the doubt, what needs to look into is the idea strongly enforced onto the people of Nagaland by (IM) to create an independent Nagalim and form a new Naga community. But there is no word for independence and the idea of Nagalim seems impossible. Thus, (IM) is planning for a new strategy by sending out a message of a united Nagalim in Nagaland and land and power for nagas in Manipur. Keeping this in mind, since United Naga Council (UNC)’s attempt of trying to not allow Manipur government administer in the hills of Manipur and to divide the land in the name of communities, is by itself exposing (IM)’s new dream. This politics that does not affect much to the people of Nagaland, is becoming a reason to create chaos amongst the communities in Manipur. Ever since this (IM) disease has started spreading in the hills of Manipur, there has been various communal thoughts coming forth. Not only this, the disease seems to have affected communities other than the Manipuri nagas in the last one decade. As a result, meiteis are starting to worry of losing their land while kukis are demanding for a home land just for themselves. As the disease starts to spread far and wide, there is an attempt to portray Manipur as a mere junction of the nagas, kukis, and the lands of nagas. When the land starts to be divided on the basis of community, the political legitimation of all the movements of Manipur is going to disappear. It is thus going to portray in history that Manipur never have had unity of various communities.
We need to look into the politics of engineering issues, like never seen in any part of the world, on creating community-based districts and an independent Nagalim only for nagas. Manipuris are saying that the communities were not just mere neighbours. Those who want the land to be divided on community basis are trying to cover up the fact that these communities collectively lived together under a ruler. In the name of “Unique history,” there is an attempt to erase this history. In this matter, India is not paying any heed to this. In India’s context, division of land based on communities can also be seen in 1947 when India and Pakistan got separated. It was divided on the basis of religious communities. This politics of dividing land on community basis can be seen in India until 1951. Thus, a time came to create a nation on the basis of language. But even India realised that it does not work to try to divide on community basis, especially after the uprisings in Kashmir and other reasons. However, in this crucial time, it is necessary to understand the motive behind India’s recent attempt in the north-eastern region to bring in the politics to create a community-based Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh. By painting a picture that the communities that do not agree with this politics are Manipuris and Assamese, nagas’ politics of thousand years of struggle to make a better living is turned into a conflict between Manipur and Assam. This can be viewed as India’s success in conflict transformation.

 By creating doubts on both sides, are India and (IM) making a fool of the people, is what various organizations of Manipur are wondering. If we look at it from this point of view, then, it is not a hollow agreement with no purpose. It is performing various political purposes. Creating specific doubts on both sides itself is the purpose of this politics. To strengthen the politics, NSCN(IM) is saying something while Indian government is saying something else. Providing different narratives itself can be considered as the fruition of the politics of this framework.
Knowing that the idea of Nagalim cannot be successful for now, NSCN(IM) wants to mark certain areas within Manipur to be of nagas. India does not see any problem in this. Because it does not go against India’s constitution like how an independent Nagalim does. Thus, India supports (IM)’s attempt to mark certain areas in Manipur as only for nagas. (IM) is trying to snatch land, only for nagas, from Manipur by creating an organisation to take the role of a negotiator, making it all look like a civil movement. On top of that, in order to create a separate government only for nagas, there is a great attempt, ranging from demanding for an alternative arrangement to trying to make Manipur look like a communal group. To this, India is not bothered for it does not majorly affect its image and integrity.
 (IM) is also trying to politicise and create a communal narrative out of the tradition around purity of meitei Hindus. It is usual for any religion to have such tradition. However, there is no attempt to provide a narrative of the secular events, with no relation to religion, that Manipuri kings, deeply religious for Hinduism, and hill leaders collectively performed. Instead, there have been attempts to put the blame on meiteis by turning the pages from history on how other communities are not allowed to enter Hindu places. Since such politics could not last for long, a new tactic has been implemented to fabricate various events just to show that meiteis are torturing the nagas. Not just this, it has also been constantly claimed that the history of Manipur is limited only to the valley. There is an attempt to construct a historiography with its foundation on shallow viewpoints.
All of this is just a dream of (IM), constructed beyond the historical details, but could not successfully establish in Nagaland. The very fact that there is a huge conflict on whether Rongmei and Kabui are socially accepted communities or not in Nagaland, clearly proves that (IM)’s dream of a new Nagalim is not a means to bring welfare to all of naga communities. Nagas have a lot of hardships, there are more disappointing matters even after Shillong Accord. All of this is not related to the religion of meiteis. It is brought by the current political economy. Therefore, in order to overcome these hardships, whether it is of nagas, meiteis, kukis, or all the other communities that meiteis call Manipuris, it is necessary to bring a change in this political economy. This is what we call the historical ethos. When (IM) asks for a means unrelated to this ethos, India is going to easily agree to it because there is a difference between the ethos of India and that of the people of north-east.
 This being the reason, even if it is said that the Framework Agreement does not have any harmful elements, the people of this region cannot trust it. Even if it is concerning only the nagas, the attempt to compensate and overcome the historical hardships of nagas by signing an agreement with no substance, is nothing but (IM) deceiving the historical process. Even the nagas of Nagaland are asking to bring forth the Framework Agreement for the same reason. On the other hand, the reason behind people asking for the agreement to bring forth in public eye is because of the doubt that are Assam and Manipur trying to fool (IM) or is India trying to break Manipur, who usually keeps quiet in (IM) asking for its demands that are not problematic.
In today’s time, it is hard to agree to believe on something that is not visible. In a time when even the existence of unseen god is questionable, people of Manipur and Nagaland cannot blindly trust either (IM) or Narendra Modi, since they are not even god. Therefore, what people of Manipur now want is to bring forth the Framework Agreement, analyse it, and take people’s opinion. If not, it will be forced to bring to public, analyse every bits and pieces in detail, and make a strong decision. It is then that the people of Manipur will show their duty.

IFO 2019 - Motivating students for better understanding of financial management

IT News

New Delhi, July 17,

 International Finance Olympiad (IFO) helps to motivate students for better and deeper understanding of financial facts and enhance their skills to manage their daily life. With intent to make young learners familiar with the art of understanding and managing money, International Financial Olympiad, 2019 is being conducted by International Institute of Financial Markets (IIFM) and Economic Times is for students from classes 8th to 12th  and the registrations are open till 30th August, 2019. IFO has catered to more than 48,000 students in 162 cities and 5 countries to promote financial literacy for students at school levels in the span of 7 years. 

“While as a fundamental part of the socio-educational structure, students complete their schooling without any formal financial education. This not only results in poor personal financial skills but also affects the economy due to the non-structured understanding of the financial subjects. There is a very demanding urgency for every developing country to make financial knowledge a well structured and robust system in the school curriculum” said Kritika Kaushik, National Convener - International Finance, Olympiad and Global Economic Olympiad.

The Olympiad is conducted in three rounds and the first is going to be conducted from 1st September 2019 to 15th November 2019. Students scoring above 60% in the first round are then eligible for the second round (regional) that will begin from 16th November 2019 to 24th December, 2019.

The pattern includes written round, Audio visual round and crossword puzzles in duration of 2 hours. After this, a 4 member team is then selected and called to Delhi for the International Grand Finale. The pattern of the finale is an oral quiz type conducted for 3 hours to select the winner.

Students registering at National and International level competition have an added advantage as they get an Internationally recognized certification at every level and a chance to compete for Rs. 1.6 Lakh cash scholarship prizes including Rs 60000 for School toppers and Rs 1,00,000 for Regional toppers and become a ‘Financial Literate’ at a young age. Students can participate from Schools or individually through the website www.financeolympiad.in.

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Protective Thinking: Social Background leading to RIIN, Can RIIN save Nagaland?

By: Mr. Pakinrichapbo (Advocate)

Samziuram Village, Peren, Nagaland

Much have been written and spoken on Registration of Indigenous Inhabitants of Nagaland (RIIN) lead by civil society organizations, individuals from various backgrounds giving their expert opinion on why RIIN is necessary and how to carry out RIIN, at the same time creating more confusion day by day at the absence of clear cut guideline/rules laid down by the State Government to set up RIIN.  The drama unfolded following the Nagaland Government decision to go ahead with RIIN shows that State Government is not well prepared for carrying such complicated task of preparing a master list for bonafide indigenous inhabitant of Nagaland nor seem to have effective mechanism to contain its numerous  loopholes surrounding this RIIN.  

The State Government continues to commit blunder after blunder  by publishing the notification to set up RIIN without laying down any guideline, failing to include indigenous Kuki and Dimasa-Kachari tribal organizations in the list of Tribal Hohos and organizations invited for consultative meeting with the state government on 17.07.19, expecting civil society organizations to pressurize the government to stick to 01.12.1963 cut off year to decide who is indigenous inhabitant of Nagaland and bringing up draft format of RIIN sticking to 1963 as a cut off year.  

When State government itself is not clear on how to carry out its policy what can we expect, except chaos and disgruntlement from every corner? In the act of protecting one right, one should not violate other basic rights.       

  

Social Background

The PDA lead Nagaland Government hurried push for registration of indigenous inhabitants of Nagaland reveals the mindset of the confused, helpless and anxious Nagas of Nagaland and the deficiency of practical idea to effectively deal with the rising populations of legal and illegal migrants from mainland India and Bangladesh. Not to forget the prosperity of the migrants especially the business community are always seen as a threat by the indigenous groups.

The debate of checking the high influx of illegal migrants has been going on for long time. In the near past, concerned, indigenous citizen group had formed association, young rugged individuals taken law in to their hand by checking defaulters of ILP and some even report in face book of slapping ILP defaulters, in most cases, the victims were Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrants (IBI) running a small shops for migrants whether be legal or illegal running big shops can’t be touch, sharing ideas and debating in social media to tackle influx of illegal migrants with no positive results.

Sometime the debate will shift focus from illegal migrants to non indigenous Nagas mainly from Manipur, such debate often triggered by Rongmei tribe recognition issue.

It is not wrong to conclude that the certain section among the indigenous Naga sub tribes of Nagaland seeks protection not only from the legal and illegal migrants but from the non indigenous Naga tribes whose presence in the state are equally seen as a threat. Past accommodative spirit based on Naga brotherhood now in death bed as a result of old age and multiple chronic ailments thanks to unsettled Indo-Naga peace talks, only Nagas of Nagaland policies favoured and implemented by high and mighty of Nagaland, misrule of different armed factions. In such ground reality, the idea of Nagas without border popularised by FNR and NSF will quietly take back seat. The policies of state administrations will supersede Naga Nationalism. Nagaland being a capital for all Naga tribes needs to show that all Naga tribes are welcomed without ILP in Nagaland, applying tribe colour in lands ownerships system and government policies will create deeper fragmentation in the long run even among Nagas of Nagaland.   

I wish, I may be proven wrong but post execution of RIIN; regional feeling will grow manifold beyond control, Naga nationalism, peace talk will carry little meaning until the final settlement arrives if it is meant to be and satisfies some leading dominant Naga tribes of Nagaland. But now it appears majority of Nagaland based indigenous tribes have lost hope in political negotiations and will go to any length to protect and preserve its limited state resources, for high and mighty greatest excuse to play regional politics is to bring out the card of limited resources and go on diverting state limited resources to their kitchen not caring to equally share resources among fellow recognized indigenous people, also deny state privileges and rights to non-indigenous groups of people including Nagas settling in the state for several decades but originally from outside Nagaland state.

Nagaland government has stated the RIIN is not to target traders (includes legal and illegal migrants), so who is their target now?

Nagas being a part of the minorities in India had never shied away of attacking BJP lead Central Government of violating minorities rights on several occasions. Time has come to show how Nagaland Government will treat its minorities living in the state.  Not forgetting the established rules that the kind of Democratic Government is known by how it treats their minorities and its commitment to respect and protect minority rights. Whether the tyranny of the majority will prevail as usual or minority rights will be respected by giving administrative safeguards to the minorities.

 

(To be contd.)