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Items filtered by date: Saturday, 19 May 2018 - Imphal Times - A Daily Eveninger

Tripartite talk in stalemate as UNC sticks to its earlier stand, State representatives sets July 28 for next round of talk

IT News
Imphal, May 19,

Tripartite talk between the United Naga Council (UNC), Manipur Government and Central Government is in stalemate as the UNC sticks to its earlier stand regarding the creation of new districts.
As scheduled earlier, the seventh round of tripartite talk was held today at Senapati district head quarter. Agriculture Minister V. Hangkhalian and Education Minister Thokchom Radheshyam represent the talk as representatives of the government of Manipur.
The UNC team who attended in today’s talk are Gaidon kamei , president, Ng. Lorho , VP, S. Milan, General Secy., Gabriel Chinir, Asst. General Secy. , Rockson Shimray, Art and Culture Secy., Ws. Kanral, Speaker, , L. Adani, Advisor, KS. Paul Leo Ex-president of the UNC, Joshep Adnai , president of ANSAM, Asha Wungnam , President of the Naga Women Union and Solomon Arow President of the Naga Peoples’ Organisation (NPO).

Satyendra Grag, Joint Secretary (NE), Union Ministry of Home Affairs, attended as representative of the India Government.
In the last round talk held on March 23, the UNC had straight away stated that there will be no agreement unless the government of Manipur rolls back the creation of the new districts.
In today’s talk , the points agreed during the last talk at the same place were reviewed and UNC representatives showed strong reaction to the non adherence of the three points.
As per source the UNC stated that there was non adherence to the 4 memorandum of understanding with the government of Manipur and the government of India ‘s assurance on the matter. The UNC also stated that the state government had assured to  issue advisory to concern authorities to ease out problem faced by general public subsequent to creation of new districts and also assured to finalize its stand on the UNC demand by April 10, 2018 and to inform the matter to both the Government of India and the UNC.
As none of the assurance could be presented in today’s meeting from the side of the Government of Manipur the state government representatives agreed to prepare concrete proposal in the next round of talks which will be held on July 28, 2018.

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Karnataka CM BS Yeddyurappa resigns before floor test

IT News(with input from agency)
Imphal, May 19,

The political conundrum going on in Post Karnataka State Assembly Election is reaching climax with the Chief Minister BS Yeddyurappa resigned after failure to get majority in the state assembly floor test today.
 The floor test for Yeddyurappa government to prove its majority was scheduled to hold at 4 PM. But the Chief Minister resigned before the test as the Chief Minister seem to realise that they will not be able to prove their majority.  
As per protocol Pro tem Speaker K G Bopaiah started the proceedings and read out the agenda of the session earlier today morning.
Chief Minister B S Yeddyurappa took oath as a member of the House. He was followed by Congress Legislative Party leader Siddaramaiah and all other members of the House. The BJP has 104 members but is short of 8 MLAs to match the magic figure of 112. Congress has 78 and JD(S)+38.
With the resignation Yeddyurappa is now the shortest serving chief minister in the country. Before accepting defeat BS Yeddyurappa said delivering an emotional speech in the Assembly said, “I will lose nothing if I lose power, my life is for the people.”

He said there was no way he could have served the people of Karnataka as the Congress was not even allowing the MLAs to speak to their family members.
“My only aim to form the government in Karnataka was to help the poor and farmers and waive off their loans. All that Congress has done is try to divide the society on the basis of caste and religion. I wanted to serve the people of Karnataka,” Yeddyurappa told the House ahead of the floor test. 
He added , “People have blessed us with 104 seats. The mandate wasn’t for Congress or JD(S) yet they formed an alliance to form the government. I condemn the backdoor politics done by Congress and JD(S)”.
He then said that he will resign as the chief minister of Karnataka. He will meet the governor after the Assembly session and submit his resignation.
Soon after BS Yeddyurappa announced his resignation on the floor of the House, DK Shivakumar held up Kumaraswamy’s hand and flashed victory sign as JD(S) and Congress MLAs started celebrations.
However, former chief minister Siddaramaiah was not seen in the midst of the celebrations as per report by First post.
Governor of Karnataka will now invite the majority party to stake claim for a new government.

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48 hours Manipur bandh called by the JAC against the Shifting of district Hospital from Sagolmang affects normal life in Ukhrul road

IT News
Imphal, May 19,

48 hours state wide general strike called by the JAC formed against the shifting of the district hospital from Sagolmang area , which began from 5 am today morning had severely affected normalcy along Imphal Ukhrul road as well as at various part of Sagolmang, Pangei and neighbouring area. Since early morning today large number of supporter came out at the road and stopped all short of vehicular movement along the Imphal Ukhrul road at various places starting from Khurai heikhru makhong area.
Report however said that the general strike failed to give any impact to other places of the valley region . Except for the Imphal Ukhrul road inter district traffic was not affected. Khwairambandh Keithel and other business center including Lamlong Keithel in Khurai assembly constituency have not been affected by the bandh.
Schools and other business sector in Khundrakpam assembly constituency as well as at many places of Ukhrul Imphal road has been affected.
Bandh supporters burnt tyres in the middle of the road and placing timber and logs.

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“Laanthengminashi Eikhoi” an annual publication of the KCP released

IT News
Imphal, May 19,
Proscribed group Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) have released its Bi- annual publication Laanthengminasi Eikhoi, Volume No. 11 , issue No. 1 , Summer publication (Kalen Chephong April to October  2018 yesterday. A released by S. Mangaal, member in charge information and publicity secretary KCP said that the Bi annual publication content speech by the president of the KCP on occasion of the party’s 38th Foundation Day. Besides , certain issues regarding the present socio-economic and political were also discussed in separate articles written by experts of the outfit.

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Controversy over circumcision of minor

By Our Correspondent
Guwahati, May 19,

A bizarre incident of circumcision of a minor boy in Assam’s Barak valley was reported recently, which has been denied by the Silchar Medical College & Hospital. The allegation was leveled that the minor from Hailakandi locality was forced   to   undergo circumcision.
However the registrar of surgery in the Silchar hospital  stated that no external wounds was present in the penis of the boy. Presently he is undergoing treatment at the hospital. A section of the Barak valley based media outlets reported that the boy was forced for the exercise on 7 May last.
As the matter came to light, the police swung into action and registered a case, following which it was found that there was no evidence of circumcision. The investigation however continues to
understand the situation why and how the news was generated.

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State govt. stands firm against all forms of disintegration: CM

Imphal, May 19,
Chief Minister N. Biren Singh has reiterated that the present coalition State Government will continue to stand collectively against all the attempts of bringing disintegration of the State in any form.
He was speaking at a press conference held at CM’s Secretariat yesterday. N. Biren said that he on behalf of the State Government would like to make this joint stance clear to the public and the Central Government in the light of the Naga peace talks interlocutor Shri R.N Ravi’s reported statement hinting formation of an autonomous Naga Territorial Council to resolve the decades old Naga issue. Stating that there is no change of stance of the State Government on the State’s territorial integrity issue, the Chief Minister iterated that the present Government would also never accept any form of disintegration among the people of the State apart from boundary alteration.
Assuring that the present State Government would never disappoint the people of the State but go together with them by keeping them on the loop on the issue, the Chief Minister urged the Centre to consult all the stakeholders and the State Governments concerned before taking any final decision.
N. Biren also urged Shri R.N. Ravi to not give any statement to the media which may create anxiety to people’s mind at this juncture.

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Dishonouring the Constitution of India: Has the Check and balance system failed?

Preamble of the Indian constitution says “WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens: JUSTICE, social, economic and political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; and to promote among them all FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation.
It is this preamble that the nation’s constitution was framed 395 articles in 22 parts and 8 schedules at the time of commencement. At present the nation’s constitution consist 448 articles in 25 parts, 12 schedules, 5 appendices and 98 amendments. All amendments are done under the preamble.
The equality mention here envisages that no section of the society enjoys special privileges and individuals are provided with adequate opportunities without any discrimination. All are equal in front of law. The word secularism which was added later says that India is a country where any citizen can chose any religion.
As promise during parliamentary election campaign of 2014, where Narendra Modi spread across the country, the BJP led government has tabled Citizenship (Amendmend) Bill,2016, which allows illegal migrants from neighbouring country on the basis of religion is something which is equivalent to dishonouring the Constitution of country. The Bill says that illegal migrants who are Hindus, Sikhs, Budhists, Jains, Parsis and Christian from Afganistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan will be made eligible for becoming the citizen of the country.
This concept of accepting only some particular community (illegal Migrants) on the basis of religion is a direct blow to the so call secular character of the constitution.
Article 14 which stated that all citizens are equal before law and that the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India and also prohibit discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. The Citizenship (Amendmend) Bill,2016 is the direct violation of this Article 14 of our constitution.
The Bill also stated illegal migrants from Afganistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. When it comes to the state of Manipur it is already a known fact that Protected Area Permit System which have been imposed in the state has been lifted but continue for foriegn tourist from Afganistan and China. When the country restrict tourist from Afganistan in visiting the state of Manipur, what actually is the agenda of accepting the illegal migrants base on religion from Afganistan be granted citizenship if they stay for 7 years.
This concept of staying in the country for seven years is also illogical when there are Foriegners Prohibition Act.
On the other hand, the recent post election political drama in the state of Karnataka keeps many political analysts brainstrom on what went wrong in the practice of democracy in the country. It is not because that the governor of the state Vajubhai Vala inviting BS Yeddyurappa of BJP which got single majority but fails to reach the magic number to form the government. It is about differences of the conduct of Governors  of each state which indirectly indicate support to ruling political party at the center.
The Karnataka episode had raised an issue in the state of Manipur, with opposition Congress coming up to point out that the way the Governor of Manipur invited BJP legislature leader which won only 21 seat to form government as violation of the constitutional provision. If Karnataka Governor is right from the perspective of the law of the land than Governor of Manipur can never be right and can be stated that the govenor had violated and showed disrespect to the constitution of India.
 Now the question that we as an observer wanted to know is - Where is the so call check balance of power gone? Which pillar of the democracy is going to save the sanctity of the Indian Constitution which keeps on protecting the country since the time became an independent republic.
Whether it is those with leftist or Righteous or those in the middle ideology , it is times for all to think on the matter to protect the sanctity of the Indian constitution.

Identity crisis: It’s site

This write up is an excerpt from Prof. Angomcha Bimol’s speech delivered on 10th June 2006 under the tittle “Towards a Wholesome Holistic Self On Silence, Identity and Coloniality of the Postcolonial”,  on occasion of Arambam Somorendra Memorial Lecture here in Imphal

Ladies and gentlemen, neither is Manipuri identity an uncontested idea nor the threat of fragmentation and communal tensions and conflicts alien to our reality. In short, Manipur has been going through, to use the term popularized by Erik Erikson, an identity crisis. In this segment, I shall attempt to reflect on this “crisis” and speculate on the possible ways of ensuring a wholesome holistic self.
First of all, in order to understand the “identity crisis”, we need to understand what would the word identity mean here. I shall deploy this word to communicate the positionality and directionality of a given sense of being. Deploying the concept in his sense allows us to address the question of where one stands in relation to the others amidst a system or network of relationship, as well as to a sense of “knowing where one is going”. It covers a self definition that implicates a “sense of continuity” and purpose (or even telos) of its being, enabling a person(by homologous extension, a collective) to “integrate” different facets of experience or “moments of self”. This conceptual rendering of identity, I believe, by and large, encompasses the sense in which we use the word as lay persons as well as those nuances deployed by the professional academics.
Psychologically speaking, then, identity crisis could mean, among others, an inability to clearly define as self or a lack of “a sense of continuity” or not “knowing where one is going”. It could also mean a sort of an estrangement, failing to come to terms with different aspects of one’s self or experiences. Now, with this understanding, we can ask: In what sense, Manipur has been going through an identity crisis?
Let me address this question by acknowledging that “Manipuri” is a contested word with divergent meanings. The contestation could be framed by noting the two broad senses in which this word Manipuri has been usually deployed” One, a geo-political sense and the other, the cultural-linguistic sense. In its geo-political sense, Manipuri refers to something that is to do with Manipur as a geo-political entity; in this sense, it also refers to those native inhabitants of the State. But in its cultural-linguistic sense, the meaning of Manipuri has a strong association with those people whose mother tongue is the language called Manipuri, particularly the one spoken by the Meitei, the “ethnic” group that constitutes the majority of the state’s population, and by the pangal1 as their mother tongue. This cultural-linguistic sense is non-territorial or territorially no confined to the State of Manipur in so far as it includes all those people who speak the language as their mother tongue (in places like Assam, Tripura, Burma, Bangladesh etc.).
The major crisis of Manipuri identity comes from a lack of fit or disjuncture between these two senses of the word. Taken in terms of the cultural-linguistic sense, Manipuri thus excludes many communities, who are otherwise included under the geo-political sense of the word. Of course, there is a connotation of Manipuri as the lingua franca of the State of Manipur that seeks to incorporate all those native inhabitants of the State. This claim of being the lingua franca is arguably true as the language serves as a medium of communication amongst different communities who speak different languages and dialects in the State. In this sense, this linguistic usage seems to make the two meanings (cultural-linguistic and geo-political) coterminus. However, this usage as a derivative one; it grows out of or is informed by the geo-political sense of the word. And, therefore, it does not necessarily create a fit between the two meanings (cultural-linguistic and geo-political) of the word “Manipuri”. In fact, this derivative usage, while seemingly makes the cultural-linguistic and geo-political meanings coterminus, paradoxically serves to register the lack of fit between the two. As shown by the controversy around the Manipuri as an “official language”, it has been a site where some of the ugly contestations on Manipuri identity have taken place. Just to remind ourselves, we are all familiar with the responses from a section of our population, particularly from the hills, during the agitation for the inclusion of Manipuri as a “national language” under the VIII Schedule of the Constitution, or in matters related to the introduction of the language in the curricula of the schools in Manipur etc.; I need not go into the details of these familiar contestations.
With this lack of fit as a backdrop, the site of this identity crisis has been articulated in terms of “inter-community” or “inter-ethnic” relations. Consequently, the resolutions to the “crisis” have also been sought in terms of those relations. However, contrary to the popular belief, the site of this crisis may very well be located in the domain of the ways in which the identities, including that of Manipuri as a geo-political entity, have been articulated with the modern discursive categories such as “history:, “nation”, and “nation-state”. In short, the problem may lie in the way we articulate the identities with these modern discursive categories. Allow me to elaborate this proposition by looking at the popular articulation of Manipur.
One of the most popular articulations that has caught the imagination of the people is that Manipur is a “nation-state” with 2000 years old “history”. And this history of Manipur as a “nation-state” usually begins, following the records of the Royal Chronicles such as the Cheitharol Kumpapa, with the story of the accession of Meidingu Pakhangba in 33 A.D. The expansion and growth of the reign of this dynasty forms the main, if not the, axis of this popular history of Manipur as a “nation-state”. This articulation of self is problematic in many ways. Let me mention two crucial aspects of the problem. First, the above history is undoubtedly a product of a “state-centric” historiography, and if some historians are to be believed, “state-centric” historiography often takes the form of majoritarian articulation. This view is not an unwarranted position. A history that forms its axis around the expansion of political authority of the Ningthouja dynasty, with the concomitant stories of defeats and subjugations of various peoples along the way, understandably becomes the history of the Meiteis. And to articulate a collective self through such history obviously excludes others (other than those under the rubric of Meitei), on the one hand and, ironically, on the other, makes subjugated selves out of fellow citizen in the present. Thus, if some people say that “they have never a part of Manipur”, I am afraid, their claim must have something to do with the above popular history that articulates the identity of Manipur. And if such historiography is inevitable, the conflict and estrangement that marked the present-day Manipur is also inevitable. Perhaps, then, we need to rethink such historiography, any notions of its “inevitability”.
Second, such history seeks legitimacy for an anachronistically imagined Manipur, which is temporally and spatially frozen throughout the 2000 years of its history. The idea of Manipur as a “nation” with “firm boundary” since “time immemorial” is an example of such narrative. While this is an understandable need or even an imperative of a “nationalist” imagination, it is nonetheless problematic. It restrains us from doing an objective rendering of the evolution of the structure of the political authority or the spatiality of “state” or the shades and spectrum of the people’s consciousness in the making of Manipur as we know today. In the process, how different peoples from different spatial locations with different “cultural” practices have interacted, intermingled under different regimes of power or political authorities in the evolution of the present state, are left outside our purview. As a result, the partaking of different peoples across times and spaces in the making of present-day Manipur, arguably an important element of a narrative to produce a sense of belonging or wholesome and holistic self, have been subsequently subverted.
Mr. Chairperson, different forms of consciousness of collectivities and relationships have presumably accompanied the transformation of spaces dotted by small human settlements, villages and principalities into a kingdom, then to a monarchic state and a modern state. The consciousness and cosmologies of the people under the social order of kinship groups, insulated (and often fortified) villages under the chiefs and the suzerainty of a sovereign monarch, are bound to be different from that of the secularized political order inhabited by the enfranchised people in a modern state. Manipur as an entity marked by a hierarchy of loyalty with the King at the top with his officials, the village chiefs and sagei aahals(family patriarchs) below, is not the same Manipur under a democratic and republican order inhabited by equal, at least in principle, individual citizens. A history that produces, sustains and legitimizes an anachronistically imagined Manipur is against such an understanding.
I believe that the popular historical narrative renders the Meiteis a la “national mainstream”, and reduces the different trajectories and life-forms of the people to a monochromatic narrative of that “mainstream”. It has a propensity to propagate implicitly, if not explicitly, the idea that all other communities are mere peripheral appendices to the “mainstream” Meitei. It even nurtures an assumption that the Meiteis constitute the necessary as well as sufficient condition that underlies the geo-political reality of Manipur. In such a worldview, “integration” often represents a wish to have a homogenous entity, which comes in direct contradiction with the realities of heterogeneity of life. The alienation and fragmentation of identities in Manipur today is a direct manifestation of that contradiction. In short, the popular history neither captures the historicity of the complexities of the evolution of Manipur as a geo-political reality nor is it enabling the reality to sustain itself.
Ladies and gentlemen, I believe that such rendering of history is as mythical as the refusal to acknowledge the historicity of the reality called Manipur as a geo-political entity amongst certain sections of our society. In fact, in a way, both could be taken as the two sides of the same coin. Or perhaps, like the interlocking quantum particles of Physics, I might aw well venture to suggest that a change in position of one might bring about a reciprocal change in the other. Of course, this suggestion is a statement of “probability”, based on an assumption, as in quantum state, which is reportedly pretty “unpredictable” as suggested by the Heisenberg’s “uncertainty principle”, that human affairs cannot be accurately predicted.
Mr. Chairperson, if such a history is problematic, what is the alternative? The answer is perhaps producing alternative histories, to use the expression popular amongst the subaltern historians. These alternative histories could be in the form of social histories, “histories from below”, histories of the marginal communities, women etc. One can also think of histories that critically engage with the nationalist and state-centric narratives. Though not a professional historian, I am aware that these are not only popular amongst, but also fairly representative of, much of the works of many contemporary historians. However, to get a flavour of the implications of writing such alternative histories for us in Manipur, allow mw to share an example. Let us think of writing a history on the evolution or nature of YU Shungba(brewing of local liquor) in Manipur. In terms of its production and consumption, and cultural meanings and economy, one is likely to come across shared spaces as well as markers of specific enclaves amongst different communities. I believe that the identities we might see through such history would be different from the history that produce identities of the modern “nation-state”. While the former is likely to reveal “fuzzy” identities, that is, identities that are codified and performed differently in temporally specific spaces for specific purposes, the latter is likely to register and justify reified, bounded and enumerated identities. A work of this kind shall not be a rare specimen, as I have indicated, amongst the contemporary historians.
Mr. Chairperson, let me come to the last issue that I want to address in our search for a wholesome holistic self: that is, the context of our identities. In a way, the text of identity, ie, the narrative that allows us to make sense of our identity, has a context, certain specific socio-political and historical conditions/circumstances. In the absence of that context, the text might lose its meaning. For instance, in Kathakali, the movement of the eyes as the text of the performance cannot be fully appreciated, if at all it can be comprehended, without its context, namely the face and mask. Thus, the text of identity can only be meaningfully understood in relation to its socio-political and historical contexts. As we shall see soon, a look at the context of articulations of identity would reveal some of the critical factors behind the estrangement that we see in Manipur today.

Corrigendum: Yesterday’s write up in this column was also from the same speech delivered by Prof. Angomcha Bimol on June 10, 2006. Imphal Times wrongly mention the date of the lecture as June 10, 2012. The error is regretted and we tender apology for the same. Editor.

Mission – Fight against crime on Women

Tompok Meitei set out walkathon to spread awareness across the state

IT News
Imphal, May 19,

Unable to bear the pains and anguish over the rising crime against women and children, a 19 years old youth – Nandeibam Tompok Meitei has begun a walkathon today morning with aims to spread message to fight every form of crime and atrocities to women and Children in the state. “Towards Tomorrow Manipur” a platform of likeminded people which were connected through social networking site Whatsapp, which later work together coming out from the virtual world , showing appreciation to the good cause today presented a Shawl with the their loga and flagged off his journey.
“Reports on rape crime which appeared at media everyday makes Tompok to take the decision of walking to all the places of the state and spread awareness on how to fight against the heinous crime”, said Geeta Devi while talking to this reporter.
Interestingly, Tompok , son of Nandeibam Ojitkumar Meitei of Yumnam Patlou in Imphal East, begins his journey amidst hue and cry for justice to two rape victims – one a minor girl who is still in trauma after she was gangrape by 5 persons and another who was reportedly rape on false promises by an MLA.  
Team “Towards Tomorrow Manipur” wished the 19 years old youth a success and has decided to extend all possible help in his mission.

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National seminar on “Women Empowerment and Human Rights with special reference to North East”

IT News
Imphal, May 19,

Two-day national seminar on “Women Empowerment and Human Rights with special reference to North East” is being underway at Manipur University. The seminar which begins yesterday is organized by National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) India in collaboration with Manipur University.  
Mrs. Jyotika Kalra, Member, NHRC, Dr. Muni Dev Singh Tyagi, Joint Director, NHRC and Prof. Adya Prasad Pandey, Vice-Chancellor, Manipur University graced the inaugural function as Chief Guest, Guest of Honour and President respectively.
Prof. N. Lokendra Singh, Dean, School of Social Sciences and Director, Centre for Human Rights & Duties Edn. Manipur University proposed the Welcome Address. He accorded warm welcome to all the dignitaries who came from outside for the seminar and extended the same all the participants. Speaking on the occasion Prof. Adya Prasad Pandey, Vice-Chancellor, Manipur University, said, “Empowerment means self confidence. Not a power over others through weapons or other means but greater self confidence, and an inner transformation of one’s consciousness that enables one to overcome external barriers”. If a woman is empowered, the entire family gets empowered and the societies as well for women always have deliberate roles to play in the society, he added. Professor cited the ‘Ema Market’ (mothers’ market) of Manipur, one of the world’s largest women run market, as an epitome of women empowerment.
It is not only the responsibilities of the government to achieve the target of women empowerment, the collective support and responsibility of each individual will facilitate in the progress work of women empowerment. It is significant to provide women with every possible support and supervision to become progressive, said professor while asserting that this seminar will throw some light in achieving it.
Dr. S.K. Shukla delivered the introductory speech of the seminar. She started her speech with the remark, “India is a Guldasta (bouquet),” and Indian society is a multicultural and multifaceted country. Rights are given to each and every citizen. We need to create awareness about human rights and it will be more impactful if we propagate through our mother tongue.
Addressing at the function, Dr. Muni Dev Singh Tyagi asserted that we are not achieving the women empowerment to the level we desire. She called for a radical shift of our focus on how empowerment should happen and to draw roadmaps to achieve it. The status of North East women is comparatively better than other parts of the country, said Tyagi while alarming, at the same time, the increase rate of domestic violence in this region. Whenever there is any conflict, women and children are the most vulnerable. Women have to organize themselves such as women’s groups to reinforce development and mobilize their own women empowerment movement.
Addressing at the function, Dr. Jyotika Kalra made an apt statement, “Alone I can’t but together we can”. North East region is a role model for women in terms of literary and economic development, she said. Within the household, women provide all kinds of services to their families while men are incapable to serve themselves which women think it as their achievement. She said women of China are active and progressive so are the women of Bangladesh who work actively for the country’s economy. She further added that keeping women in the confinement of homes will not achieve anything.                                     
Second session of the seminar is being underway today. It will conclude today.

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