Home » INA-Japanese Imphal and Kohima Campaign and Local Participation (1942-45) – II

INA-Japanese Imphal and Kohima Campaign and Local Participation (1942-45) – II

by Rinku Khumukcham
0 comment 10 minutes read

By Prof. N. Lokendra Singh
Prof. & Head, Dept. of History, Manipur University

LOCAL PARTICIPATION
IIA – Manipur

(Meiteis)
Subsumed within the general trend of the war was the fascinating story of the responses of the local people to the war.Regarding theMeities participation to the war, three distinct trends are discernible from the available sources. Mr. Naki Ahmad Choudhury, a former soldier of the British Indian army in an interview serialized in ten issues of ‘Mingshel’, a local journal, discussed about the ordeal of the march of INA forces from Burma to Manipur. He talked about the difficulties faced by the INA-Japanese forces in getting food supplies and local help and also his experiences of how Col. S. A. Malik worked to get support from the members of the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha as well as the villagers of the Thanga. However, he hardly mentioned the fairly strong group of Meitei volunteers from around Bishenpur and Moirang who were working in the intelligence group under Col. Malik. M. Koireng Singh, Th. Angou Singh and a number of other writers, on the other hand, focused on the important role played by a group of Meities who were working in the intelligence and supply Department of the INA group. W. MangolSingh representing the third stream highlighted, although in a cursory manner, the relatively unknown history of L. Guna Singh, a trader by profession and other Manipuris from Burma who operated in an around Pallel when the confrontation between the Allied and Japanese forces took place during May-June 1944.
M. Koireng Singh wrote that the Indo-Japanese force along with 19 Manipuris based at Burma advanced by the TiddimRoad and entered Manipur. Three out of the above nineteen persons –Brahlop Sharma (Brahmapur), M. Ahanbi Singh (Moirang), and M. Chaoba Singh (Keirao) were arrested from Saikot and sent to Jail. Mr. Naki Ahmad Choudhury, a former soldier of the British Indian Army also came along with the same force as a full-ledged member of INA group. When the Japanese force arrived at Moirang, the Allied army withdrew to Bishenpur and the inhabitants of the villages between Moirang and Bishenpur were given only one and half day times to vacate their houses. The Allied force subsequently burned all the foods that the villagers could not take along with them. Immediately after the Japanese force arrived, they asked forHijamlrabot Singh although they were told that he was in Jail. The INA-Japanese force, however, got a lot of support from some of the politically conscious local leaders like (i) M. Koireng Singh (ii) I. Sanaba Singh (iii) K. Kanglen Singh and (iv) M. Mani Singh. Amu Singh in an interesting write-up highlighted the situation in which the supporters of the Japanese force collected rice and delivered to theJapanese camp at Phubala. He also pointed out the acute scarcity of some of the basic items like cigarette, sugar, rice, etc., for the INA-Japanese group.
By the middle of April 1944, the Japanese force established full control over Moirang-Bishenpur area. According to M. Koireng Singh, it was in such a situation that Col. Malik along with some local INA volunteers hoisted the Tri-colour Flag on 14th April at Moirang Kangla and began to operate its activities from a nearby house as its headquarter. By the end of April, many members of the Praja Sanmelani and Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha including (i) Th. Angou Singh, (ii) P. Tomal Singh, (iii) L. Bijoy Singh, (iv) S. Ibohal Singh, (v) I. Tombi Singh, (vi) M.Jatra Singh, (vii) W. Gyaneswar Singh, (viii) O. Keinya Devi, (ix) M. Amuba Singh, (x) M. Randhoni Devi, (xi) L. lrabot Singh, and (xii) Kh. Jugeswar Singh reached Moirang and started working for the INA. Although M. Koireng and Naki Choudhury wrote that the new recruits from Imphal and neighbouring areas were all members of the Mahasabha, there were many other active members of the Praja Sanmelani working as volunteers of the INA-Japanese group.
All these developments were informed to the local authority by Mr. Mangi Singh Thiyam, S.I. (F.I.B.) and other A.S.Is in their routine report to the Chief Intelligence Officer, Assam and also to the Political Agent. Suspicious activities about these persons were occasionally reported by the investigation bureau. Subsequently, the Political Agent of Manipur declared many of the active local leaders as traitors. Many other leaders of the Mahasabha were also blacklisted. Thereafter, the entire branch Committees of the Mahasabha were wound up and most of the relevantpapers of the organisation were also destroyed. By July-August 1944, the Indo-Japanese attack at Moirang and Bishenpur area had been checked by the Allied forces.
On the other side of the valley, near the Indo-Burma border, the INA-Japanese troops advanced by Imphal-Moreh road. M. Koireng Singh wrote that 13 Meiteis led by L. Guna Singh came along with the Japanese. L. Mukho Singh, a member of the ‘JIFS’ gave the name of five important members of the group i.e.,(i) Thongam Amy (of Kindat), (ii) Saram Singh (Mandalay), (iii) Pato (Mandalay), (iv) Paching (Mandalay), and (v) Guno Singh (Mandalay). L. Guna Singh and his party operated in an around Pallel area. The group built up propaganda among the inhabitants of Somra track and Kabaw valley that the Japanese had come to give ‘Swaraj’ to Manipur. The group was also instrumental in collecting supplies and information for the Japanese. The group however never came to Imphal. It is alsogenerallybelieved that Guno Singh carried out his activities in the name of ‘Manipur Party’. Even after the independence of India he refused to be identified as a member of the INA group and hence he could not be accommodated in the official list of the freedom fighters prepared by the Freedom Fighters Cell of MPCCI, Manipur. Some other members of his group, however, agreed to be identified as members of the INA and hence were given freedom fighter awards. The Indo-Japanese attack at Pallel waschecked by the Allied forces in the first week of May.
IIB – Kukis
In the hills, along the Indo-Myanmar border, quite a good number of people particularly the Kukisworked for the INA-Japanese forces during the early stage of its operation in Manipur. The S.I. and A.S.I.(F.I.B,) collected a large amount of information regarding 70 Kukis who belong to Kabow valley and nearby region for supporting the INA-Japanese forces but the Allied authority dropped many of the cases as most of them could not be authenticated. British officials, particularly E.T.D. Lambert and C. Gimson, were confident of the Kuki loyalty to the Allied group although there were reasonably sufficient evidences to proveKuki’s general support for the INA-Japanese forces.
It seems that the Kukis first contacted the Japanese agents in the area of the Chindwin bend, south of Homalin in the Somra track and the Kabow valley. The Kukis used to visit these areas to buy rice. Later, some agents from this area particularly HpoHtat, HpoHeyenin, Taung Kin, Chan Gyun (all of Kweddaukon), San Ke (Hupet), Aungchan, Shwe Kun, Po Mwan (all of Naun Kham) and Pao Set (Thetwa) entered the country east of Ukhrul to contact the Kukis before the Japanese invasion.Tongkhothang, chief of Haokip clan and son of Pachei, one of leader of the 1917 Kuki rebellion, was also believed to have crossed the Chindwin in November 1943 and contacted the Japanese to ask for 400 rifles to fight against the British. Although the Japanese refused to provide arms, an understanding was reached. The Japanese authority, in fact tried to gain influence among the various tribes by propaganda through the chiefs. The Kukis of eastern Ukhrul assisted the INA-Japanese force by harbouring and forwarding their agents. When the Japanese 31st Division came through theSomra tract, they were helped by the Kukis although many of them who accompanied the force were believed to be interested in looting. In the south and also in the north there were instances of Kukis assisting the Indo-Japanese army.
When theIndo-Japanese forces came, they built up a lot of propaganda. The Japanese claimed that they came to give ‘Swaraj’ (Independence) to India. They carried picture of Subhas Bose addressing or inspecting the INA army, displayed Congress colours on arm bands,carried Congress flags and also uttered ‘Jai Hind’ as a sign of greeting. In order to get sympathy and support from the local people, the Japanese army used to respond to any of the genuine socio-economic problems of the people. For instance, they said that there would not be ‘house tax’ and ‘forced labour’ under them and such propaganda certainly attracted the Kukis. The Japanese force also tried to appeal to the emotion of the Kukis by claiming that they descended from ‘Chongja’brother of ‘Chongthu’ from whom the Kukis claimed their descent. There was yet another form of propaganda. A widely known prophesy ‘Nongpokthong hangani’ (eastern gate will be opened) had been convincingly interpreted by the Japanese and claimed that they represented the eastern power. Such propaganda coupled with the rumour of Japanese bravery, an alleged setback of Indian freedom struggle, impending victory of Indo-Japanese forces, alleged retreat of Allied forces from Manipur, frequent ill treatment of the Kukis by the Allied army etc., paved the way for the initial success of the Indo-Japanese forces among the local people, particularly the Kukis.
The INA-Japanese force was fairly popular in the early stage of the confrontation and even the 2000 strong Kuki volunteer force for the Allied group was subverted and by the middle of 1944 only about 400 pro Allied Kuki Volunteers remained. In November 1944, although the Allied authority identified as many 70 INA-Japanese active supporters from among the Kukis, after a careful scrutiny of the reports submitted by S.I. and A.S.Is. (F.I.B.), C. Gimson recommended only 8 cases for further investigation. The list of persons recommended by Gimson includes:
(i) Lamkhothang of Vayang Lankhoyam (He was supposed to be a deserter of Assam Regiment and identified by many people for his pro-Japanese propaganda),
(ii) Palet of Lamyang Tombi (He planted land mines on the road to Sita and as a result of that some allied Jeep were lost),
(iii) Jamshei of Lamyang Tombi,
(iv) Pakang of Tonghlang (He joined Japanese V. force),
(v) Tongkhothang, chief of Chassad,
(vi) Okhodam, (He was Tongkhothang’s ‘Mantri’. He contacted the Japanese to resist the Britishers),
(vii) Kolvil of Saikot (He supplied rations to the Japanese), and
(viii) SeilutKuki (He supported the Japanese in many ways).
It may be interesting to note that the freedom fighters Cell of Manipur have so far identified 71 Kukis for working with the INA-Japanese forces.
IIC – TangkhulNagas
Some of the TangkhulNagas of Ukhrul also worked for the INA-Japanese army. Immediately after the occupation of Ukhrul on 21 March 1944, the INA-Japanese force tried their best to get support from the Ukhrul people. They distributed INA badges, Indian National Flag and white armbands with Japanese words among the local people. The local people were also told by the Indo-Japanese army that they came to free the people from the clutches of the British Government. Subsequently, the Tangkhuls formed a ‘Cooperation Committee’ consisting of Ngalangzar (3rd clerk of Ukhrul), Rambung (4th clerk of Ukhrul), Yarnao (teacher), Changyoh (petition writer), Paul (teacher), M.K. Shimray, Thisan and Kunga. The Committee further accommodated three local Kukis –Phatnikphang of Tolloi, Seilut (2nd clerk of Ukhrul) and SelkhosehKipgen (teacher). Mr. Ngalangzar, Phatnikphang, Seilut and Selkhoseh were made Chairman, Secretary, Assistant Secretary and Store Registrar in-charge respectively.
(to be continued)

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