Imposition of AFSPA and abrogation of SoO is not a tit-for-tat matter

In the initial days of violence, the media portrayed that the volunteers engaged in the fighting were armed not with sophisticated weapons but licensed guns with limited firepower. During this time, questions arose about the participation of Kuki militants under the Suspension of Operation. In many instances, it was obvious, but neither the media nor the establishment elaborated on what they observed on the ground. The answer became murky regarding whether the SoO militants had violated their ground rules. However, as the violence progressed and sensibilities declined, it became more evident that many men armed with sophisticated weapons, including members of the SoO groups, were involved in the fighting. Kuki militants operated and executed large-scale attacks in the Sugnu-Serou area, Sekmai-Leimakhong area, and Ekou to Dolaithabi area, benefiting from the cover provided by the SoO agreement with the central forces.
With the response from the valley to the ongoing violence by raising armed militias after the attack on the peripheral areas, Kuki–Zo intellectuals are urging the central government for the implementation of AFSPA in Manipur. Their strategy is that if valley CSOs demand the abrogation of SoO, then they will demand the implementation of AFSPA in the valley areas. However, such demands have no substance, given that it is only in nineteen police stations in the valley areas where AFSPA has been removed.
In September 2023, the Governor of Manipur declared the entire state of Manipur, excluding the areas falling under the jurisdiction of 19 police stations, as a ‘Disturbed Area’ for a period of six months with effect from October 1, 2023. These excluded police stations are: Imphal, Lamphal, City Police Station, Singjamei, Sekmai, Lamsang, Pastol, Wangoi, Porompat, Heingang, Lamlai, Iribung, Leimakhong, Thoubal, Bishnupur, Nambol, Moirang, Kakchin, and Jiribam. Other than these police stations in the valley areas from which AFSPA is removed, there are twenty more police stations in the valley and Jiribam where AFSPA is still applicable, as these areas are still listed as disturbed.
Many of the places where fighting is taking place are areas where AFSPA is still intact. For instance, Meitei areas such as Sugnu and Serou under the Sugnu police station, Kwakta under Phougakchao Ikhai police station, or Dolaithabi area, which comes under Sagolmang police station, are all places where AFSPA is still active. So, these Kuki-Zo intellectuals are asking for AFSPA in places where Kuki militants are not attacking and in places there is no fighting taking place, particularly in the central Imphal area.
Nevertheless, the question arises: why cannot the central forces act with full might, given that there is AFSPA even in the valley areas where fighting is taking place? They cannot do much against the Kuki-Zo militants in these areas given the SoO, but they cannot say the same when it comes to Meiteis in these areas, given that there is AFSPA and there is no SoO-like agreement with Meiteis.
The problem in these valley areas is not that the central forces are not given the strength to act against armed miscreants from both communities, given that there is AFSPA in these valley areas. But the issue is that they cannot act against the Kuki-Zo armed men given the SoO agreement. So, there is no parity in the situation between the two communities.
Here, the most important question arises about why the SoO agreement was in place, particularly when Kuki militants never fought against the central forces, and their demands do not include secession from the Indian union. Why does the Kuki-Zo community need armed underground groups for demanding things that fall within the ambit of the Indian constitution? The matter should be explained to the public by those who were responsible for this arrangement.