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Items filtered by date: Saturday, 02 June 2018 - Imphal Times - A Daily Eveninger

M.R. Roller Flour Mill still not registered under GST which is mandatory

Picture shown here was taken on May 23, 2018 of the M. R. Roller Flour Mill, Mantripukhri. There were no raw materials found in any part if the Mill complex as claimed by Mahendra Kumar Jain there should be at least some raw materials as the loan of Rs. 8 crore he had taken from the State Bank of India was for procuring raw material as told by him during the press conference.

IT News
Imphal, June 2,

Proprietor of the M.R. Roller Flour Mill located at Mantripukhri in Imphal East, which had taken loan of Rs. 8 Crore from the State Bank of India, M.G. Avenue Branch using fake Jamabandi is still not registered under the Goods and Services Act as per his income tax return filed for the year 2015-16. This newspaper when enquired to some staffs of the Income Tax Department also affirmed that the so, far there is no record of any GST registration in the name of M.R. Roller Flour Mill. However, when contacted to the Superintendent of the Tax department, it was informed that at the moment it is not possible to check on whether the said flour mill has registered with the GST or not as there is a maintenance service for the GST system is being on from 9 am to 3 pm today.
A notice from the GST helpline also stated that due to Major Disaster Recovery Drill of the GST System service during 9 am to 3 pm will not be available today.
However, the tax return filed of the M.R. Flour Mill for the year 2016-16 reflected that they have not registered under the Goods and Services Act which is mandatory.
As per GST act, there is a direct penalty for failure to take GST registration in India and the same is levied even in case of late GST registration.

As per section 122 of CGST act, any taxable person who fails to take GST registration though he is liable to be registered under the act, then the penalty of Rs.10,000 or amount of tax evaded or any short tax liability whichever is higher.
Hence, if any person fails to take GST registration and the total tax liability after calculation comes to Rs.2 lakh, then the penalty for failure to take GST registration shall be 2 lakh or Rs.10,000 whichever is higher and hence, Rs.2 lakh shall be levied.
When Imphal Times reporters visited the Flour Mill it was also found that the Mill is more like a non existence one as there were proper infrastructures or stock items.
It is also found out that M. R. Roller Flour Mill, Mantipukhri, has been closed since a long time.
During the a press conference Mr. Mahendra Kumar Jain claimed that he took loan of the sum of amount of Rs. 8 crore  from the State Bank of India ,M. G . Avenue, Imphal for the purchase of raw materials.
But the fact is that there are no raw materials found at the Mill, which proves that clarification he made to the media is false and misleading the press.

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Woman escapes from the claw of a rapist after giving him a hard kick

IT News
Senapati, June 2,

A young married lady escaped from the claw of a rapist who tried to rape her at gun point after giving him a hard kick at his private part. The incident happened at around 6.30 pm of May 31 about 6/7 km away from Senapati district head Quarter.
The person who tried to rape the young married Lady is identified as one Mr. Wilson from Maram Village presently residing at a place in Senapati market area.
As per report reaching here on at around 6.20 pm of May 31 , the young married lady ( a Liyai woman) walk on to Senapati traffic to get some eatable. When she went to a shop Mr. Wilson come and ask her what eatable you are looking for?

As the person is a bit familiar face he forcibly took her to another shop it was found closed. The lady than tried to return back home but the person insisted her to come along with her in his vehicle so that he could dropped her home.
The person took her straight toward Naga Taphou with full speed. She pleaded for released but the person Wilson pointed gun and asked to remain silent.
At gun point the person tried to rape her inside the vehicles after parking at a side some 6/7 km from the market place.
But the lady gave a hard kick and escaped towards the jungle. Luckily after two person came towards the site the man escaped. The two persons luckily found her and help her reached home.
Considering the matter serious, Senapati Karong Area Women Association served an ultimatum to the rapist to surrender to the association within 48 hours.

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Daylight robbery: Will the govt. waits for evidences?

This newspaper had time and again drawn the attention of the government on various issues of daylight robbery in front of the public eyes. So far no effective actions against the so call looters of public money have been taken up as per the law of the land.
On May 21, 2018, Imphal Times carried a news story about how the proprietor of M/S M.R. Roller Flour Mill located at Mantripukhri here in Imphal had taken loan amount of Rs. 8 crore from the State Bank of India, MG Avenue using fake documents. The report also highlighted on the failure of the firm to file tax return for some specific period. A day after this newspaper broke the story, civil society body reacted and demanded clarification from the side of the SBI on how a person could be granted loan amount of Rs. 8 crore using fake document. The State Bank of India authority responded nothing regarding the matter, instead, the proprietor of the M.R. Roller Flour Mill convened a press conference saying that documents he submitted to the bank were genuine and allegation levelled against him were baseless. He also showed some document to support his clarification.
The proprietor while trying to defend himself once more cheated the media people as the document he submitted to the SBI M.G Avenue for the loan application is with the Imphal Times. The following day Imphal Times published another news story countering Mr. Mahendra’s calrification by publishing two different Jamabandi – one the fake Jamabandi which he submitted to the bank and the other which is with the Settlement department. So far no action is seen initiated against the proprietor neither inquiry is conducted against such fraudulence by any of the concern government authority.
Imphal Times also reported on how the M.R. Flour Mill had cheated the taxation department by not filing tax return since the financial year 2015-16, and also about two bounce cheque he issued to his staffs.
This is not only the case of cheating the public in broad daylight. Some happenings in front of our eyes which needed no evidences have been left without any checking.
Talks about quality works by the state government under the Chief Minister N. Biren Singh appeared to be a mere joke to fool the public. Concerns Ministers’ actions were seen to be for media stunt proposes.
Right at the moment any person who do not even have the knowledge of how black topping are done will easily find the differences of two black topping works in two neighbouring lane of two Assembly segments – Singjamei and Langthabal. Black topping works are being underway at Aheibam Leirak also called Jaganath leirak in Singjamei Assembly Constituency. Similarly, the same kind of black topping is also underway at Oinam Leirak and Motum Leirak of Langthabal Assembly constituency. This two lanes where the black topping works are being taken up are neighbours and locals of the area know how differently the works being carried out even though they have no knowledge on how black topping should be done as per the Public Works Department guidelines, but people know one among the two contractors working is cheating the public money in front of our eyes.
The one Jaganath Leirak is being done in quite a satisfactory way that people started asking whether he will have any profit in doing the contract work. While the other being underway at Oinam leirak and Mutum leirak appeared to be something which he thought people are fool and will have any idea of what he has been doing.
Works Ministers Th Biswajit had many times directed for control of quality in black topping work to his department authorities, but so far none of the officials had come and inspected how the works are being carried out.
Developmental works taking up in the state are from the tax money that we the common man paid. Not every citizen may be direct tax payers but every citizen pay tax indirectly. Every commodities we buy everyday includes tax and it was from the tax that the developmental works are planed and taken up.
This tax money we paid is being looted in front of our own eyes and we remain quiet even after knowing that they are looting us. The government authority are also doing nothing to punish. A mere clarification like we can’t check each and every work will not be justified as there are full strength staffs to perform their duty.
A cycle thief, or a small time pick pocket often died in the hand of mob violence but those looting huge amount of our money are left without complaining anything. A Grade IV employee will be suspended for taking tips of Rs. 100/ but people who looted in lakhs and crore of rupees are left free.
Do we need evidences for taking action or conducting enquiry to the way that public money are being looted in front of our own eyes.

The Pitfalls of Identity Politics

The write up reproduce here is an excerpt  from the lecture delivered by renowned Journalist SUBIR BHAUMIK  under the title Northeast: A Thousand Assertive Ethnicities  on the Arambam Somorendra Memorial Lecture on June 10, 2012.

The ethnic imbal!nce in power-sharing has often caused re-tribalization which, in turn, has limited the growth of local nationalisms that could challenge the Indian state. After fighting India for forty years, Naga nationalism remains an incomplete process, its growth retarded by at least three major splits within the separatist movement, mostly along tribal lines. Even a China-trained leader like Muivah, a Tangkhul Naga from Manipur, has no hesitation branding Angamis as ‘reactionary traitors’ and his own tribe, the Tangkhuls (who form the bulk of the NSCN), as ‘revolutionary patriots’. On the other hand, the Tangkhuls are seen in Nagaland as ‘Kaccha Nagas’ (impure Nagas). Only when an emotive issue like ‘Greater Nagaland’ surfaces, pitting the Nagas against the Meiteis or the Assamese, do the conflicts within the Naga identity evaporate for a while, only to surface at a later stage.
The Naga National Council, once the strongest ethnic rebel organization in India’s Northeast, was weakened not as much by Indian counter-insurgency operations as by the tribal splits that Delhi was quick to exploit. In the 1960s, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi exploited the growing schism between the Semas and the Angamis, two of the most dominant Naga tribes that provided the bulk of the fighting force in the Naga Army. Indian intelligence weaned the Semas away from the movement, with the help of some loyalists like Hokishe Sema. The Revolutionary Government of Nagaland (RGN), which was formed by the Sema rebels of the Naga National Council, worked in tandem with the Indian administration and the army throughout the late 1960s. When ‘General’ Mowu Angami returned home in 1969 at the head of the second wave of China-trained Naga rebels, he walked into a trap set by the RGN and the Indian army near the border town of Kiphire. The Semas handed Mowu over to the Indian troops along with the fighters he was leading. This was the first major split in the Naga movement.
The second split, which also had a tribal dimension to it, occurred around the 1975 Shillong Accord. The Angamis and the major Naga tribes of Nagaland largely went with the Accord and came into Indian-style ballot-box politics to lay claim to a share of political power and economic bounty, while the smaller and relatively fringe Naga tribes like the Tangkhuls in Manipur and the Konyaks of the Mon-Tuensang area remained in the jungles, along with the Hemi Nagas of Burma, to form the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN). But the NSCN itself was split in 1988 with the Konyaks and the Hemis breaking away from the Tangkhuls and the ‘Nagaland Nagas’. The trend has been no different in Mizoram or Manipur. The Kuki demand for a separate homeland that has pitted them against the Nagas has driven some smaller clans away and led to the emergence of a separate Zomi identity. The Hmars, Lais and the Maras have joined the Chakmas and the Reangs to challenge the Mizos. In Manipur, the Meitei identity has been reinforced through the rich Manipuri language and culture, but the Meitei refuse to recognize the Bishnupriyas as Manipuris. When the leftist government in Tripura recognized the Bishnupriya’s right to primary education in their own mother tongue, the Meiteis in Tripura and Manipur came out in the streets to protest against it.
In Tripura, the Mizos in the northern Jampui hills demand a regional council within the Tribal Areas Autonomous Council of Tripura to preserve their ‘distinct identity’, whereas their ethnic kinsmen in Mizoram are wary of similar demands by smaller ethnicities. The Reangs in Tripura resent attempts by the Tripuris to impose the Kokborok language on them. And they look back at the brutal suppression of Reang rebellions by the Tripuri kings as ‘evidence of ethnic domination that cannot be accepted anymore.’ The tensions within the tribes, as much caused by the oral and written traditions of conflict between them as by contemporary tussles for power and influence, have weakened efforts to promote a compact ‘Borok’ or tribal identity against perceived Bengali domination. At times, several tribes sharing the same religion have tried to promote a common identity on this basis, albeit with little success. The separatist National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) has tried aggressively to promote the Borok identity reinforced by Christianity, taking a cue from the Mizo and Naga rebel groups. The animist Reangs and the Vaishnavite Jamatias, however, resent imposition of the Borok identity and many of them have broken away from the NLFT.
Once India carved out the state of Nagaland in 1963, Assam’s role as a sub-regional hegemon was threatened and its position as India’s political sub-contractor in the northeast was destined to end. Within a decade of the creation of Nagaland, Delhi effected a political reorganisation of the whole region, through which three new administrative units were formed. All these three became full-fledged states in the 1980s, as India desperately sought to control violent ethnic insurgencies in the area. On the other hand, the breakup of Assam not only produced fresh demands for ethnic homelands within what has remained of it, but also drove a section of the ethnic Assamese to insurgency. With the hills gone, the Assamese turned to his valleys to find he was fast becoming a minority there. The anti-foreigner movement rocked Assam between 1979 and 1985 and led to large-scale, free-for-all ethnic riots. The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), now the leading separatist organisation in Assam, was born out of that movement. Its initial credo was ethnic cleansing – it sought by the force of arms to drive the ‘foreigners’ (mostly migrants from Bangladesh) out of Assam.
Over a period of time, however, the ULFA’s politics has changed. Sheltered in Bangladesh, Burma and Bhutan, and having to face the military might of the Indian state, the ULFA has denounced the Assam movement as ‘one that was led by juveniles, who failed to understand that migration per se was not bad and had helped many countries like the USA to become what they are today’. The ULFA claims that Bengalis – Hindus and Muslims alike – have ‘immensely contributed to Assam’ and that ‘those of them who feel themselves as part of Assam should be treated as its legitimate dwellers’. It is difficult to ascertain how much of this policy shift on the part of the ULFA – projecting itself as the representative of the ‘Asombashis’ (dwellers of Assam) rather than the ‘Asomiyas’ or ethnic Assamese – stems from tactical considerations, such as finding shelter in Bangladesh and gaining the support of Assam’s large Bengali population, and how much of it is a genuine attempt to rise above the ethnic considerations to forge a secular, multi-ethnic identity. But once the ULFA got thrown out of Bangladesh by the Sheikh Hasina government, ULFA military wing chief Paresh Barua has started making critical references to Bengalis and chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa has now demanded from Delhi “concrete measures to protect the indigenous peoples and preserve their culture”. The ULFA is only being pragmatic in trying to project territory and a multi-ethnic credo as the basis for a future independent Assam. It is merely acknowledging the polyglot nature of the state of Assam and of the rest of the region. Despite its racial difference from the Indian heartland, the Northeast is an ethnic mosaic, which is ironically reminiscent of India’s own multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-ethnic polity. The ULFA seeks to restore the multi-ethnic and assimilative nature of the Assamese nationality formation process that was disrupted by racial-linguistic chauvinism on the part of the upper-caste Assamese elites in the 1960s, as a result of which tribe after tribe elected to abandon Assam, fuelling demands for an ever-increasing number of ethnicity-based states in the Northeast. Significantly, though the ULFA targeted Hindi-speaking populations for large-scale attacks after 1999, it has avoided any attack on Bengalis, Nepalis or tribal groups that it regards as potential allies in the struggle against ‘Indian colonialism’. Indeed, Hindi-speakers have been seen as ‘Indian populations supportive of the colonial rule’.
The ULFA’s growing lack of faith in ethnicity as the basis for its political militancy stems from a realization that there could be no ‘pure ethnic homeland’ in Assam or anywhere else in northeast India. A broad-based Assamese nationalism, unless it caters to the distinct ethnic aspirations of the tribes and other communities in Assam, is a non-starter. The ULFA therefore, shrewdly enough, projects a future independent Assam as a federal Assam, where Bodo, Karbi, Dimasa, Rabha, Lalung or Mishing, or even Bengali homelands can coexist, so long as the ‘basic values of Assamese society and culture are accepted’. According to a security adviser to the Assam government, this is ‘a clever ploy to broaden the support base of the ULFA insurgency against India.’ But Assam’s political leadership now speak the same language, of the need to accept the polyglot character of Assam, of satisfying the aspirations of the ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities, if only to stave off another breakup of the state. It is time that others in the region realize the limitations of ethnicity as a viable basis for politics and social organisation in the Northeast. The ULFA claims that, in the Northeast, ethnicity has ‘promoted more divisions within the revolutionary struggles and provided India’s ruling classes with more and more opportunity to crush them’. Other nationality struggles need to realise that over emphasis on ethnicity may narrow the political base of the movement and offer Delhi the opportunity to divide and rule in an ethnically fragmented political and territorial space. And rebel groups grown on ethnicity may also fail to strike a long term understanding despite their efforts to create a united front in the jungles of Burma, as has indeed been reported by our paper.
Indeed, though ethnicity has been the mainstay of the region’s separatist movements and often has formed the basis for creation of political-administrative units there, its self-corrosive properties have restricted the growth of local nationalisms strong enough to confront Delhi. It can create a Lebanon or a Bosnia out of Northeast India but never a Bangladesh or an East Timor capable of breaking away from the larger post-colonial nation-state. All the states in the Northeast, most of which were created on the basis of ethnic distinctiveness, have failed to resolve their ethnic issues, thus demonstrating the illusionary nature of the notion of a ‘pure ethnic homeland’.
Hard Choices Ahead
India’s powerful regional diplomacy in recent years, that forced Bhutan and Bangladesh to act against its rebel groups of Northeast India, is now focused on getting Burma’s new government to act against the rebel bases in the Sagaing-Kachin region, which is surely the last big sanctuary of the Northeastern rebel groups. It is too early to say whether the Burmese will act, though it is for sure that after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Burma, the pressure will rise manifold. The choice before the rebel groups is therefore clear. They have three options – joining a dialogue with India, seeking and getting Chinese support and sanctuary, or returning to fight within their own state like the Maoists do and risk military and political annihilation. For the last captains of the Northeastern rebellions, there is not much time before they have to make a difficult choice.

Foundation laid for India’s First Advanced Forensic Lab in Chandigarh dedicated to women related cases

New Delhi, June 2,

Minister for Women and Child Development, Maneka Sanjay Gandhi laid foundation of Sakhi Suraksha Advanced DNA Forensic Laboratory in the campus of Central Forensic Science Lab, Chandigarh yesterday. Speaking at the event, the Minister said that forensic analysis plays critical role in criminal investigation and the Advanced Lab will contribute to address the gap in forensic DNA analysis of pending sexual assault cases in the country. The Minister added that the lab is being set up as a model forensic lab and would be replicated in other parts of the country.
The Minister mentioned that the current capacity of CFSL, Chandigarh is less than 160 cases per year and the Sakhi Suraksha Advanced DNA Forensic Laboratory is estimated to increase the capacity to 2000 cases per year.  The Minister further said that 5 more advanced forensic labs would come up in Mumbai, Chennai, Guwahati, Pune and Bhopal in the next 3 months bringing the total minimum annual capacity of the labs to 50000 cases. The Labs in Chennai and Mumbai would be set up with WCD funds while remaining 3 labs would be set up with funds by Home Ministry. To meet international standards and deliver timely justice to women, advanced forensic DNA laboratories with latest high throughput DNA technology, are required, she added.
Special forensic kits for rape cases: Underscoring the importance of the forensics in nabbing the culprits in sexual assault cases, the Minister said that special forensic kits for rape would be distributed to all the police stations and hospitals by the month of July. The Minister said that forensic rape kits are currently with CFSL Chandigarh for validation. These inviolable kits will be used for providing uncontaminated evidence. These kits would contain a complete list of evidence/samples to be collected along with the equipment required to collect the evidence.  The kits would be locked and sealed before being sent to forensic labs.  The details of name of the person, date and time of sealing the kit would be recorded in the kit. 
Secretary WCD Sh. Rakesh Srivastava said that this project is a joint effort of Ministry of Home Affairs and WCD Ministry and it will play a vital role in justice delivery system.
In sexual assault cases, the ideal time frame to complete the examination and submission of report is 90 days. Furthermore, it is important that the biological crime exhibit is stored and preserved in scientific manner so as to make any examination/reporting meaningful. However, presently such a storage/preservation capacity is around 200 cases in CFSL, Chandigarh. At present there are 6 Central Forensic Science Labs (CFSLs) in Chandigarh, Guwahati, Kolkata, Hyderabad, Pune and Bhopal and one State Forensic Science Lab in each State/UT.  These las are responsible for conducting forensic analysis of all cases in the country including sexual assault, criminal paternity and homicide.
In Sakhi Suraksha Advanced DNA Forensic Laboratory, four units are to be established to address cases related to women:
·    Sexual Assault and             Homicide Unit
·    Paternity Unit
·    Human Identification Unit
·    Mitochondrial Unit
Apart from the Sexual Assault and Homicide Unit, the other three units are interlinked and will work to examine cases related to crime against women. Paternity Unit is essential to solve cases related to criminal paternity, gender selection & child swapping in hospitals. Human Identification Unit is important in cases of missing person or children. Mitochondrial Unit will conduct mitochondrial DNA analysis in cases where regular Nuclear DNA analysis is not possible such as in case of highly degraded samples. The Mitochondrial Unit can also be used to better explore family relationships.
 Background :   Forensic science plays a vital role in the criminal justice delivery system by providing investigators with scientifically based information through the analysis of physical evidence. With increasing reports of crime against women such as sexual assault, foeticide, homicide etc. there is an increasing demand for better scientific analysis of physical evidence. Scrutiny by Hon’ble courts demands more admissible, accurate and powerful forensic proof for human individualisation.

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DC, Thoubal reviews status of GTV mission

IT News

Thoubal, June 2,


 Deputy Commissioner, Thoubal Smt. Haobam Rosita Devi reviewed status of pending applications in the last four ‘Go to Village’ mission/camps conducted in Thoubal district in the DLOs’ monthly meeting held at the Conference Hall of DC office, Thoubal yesterday.

The DC instructed concerned DLOs and bankers to deliver/dispose off the pending applications to the maximum before the next round of Go to Village mission in the last week of this month (June).

The DC also instructed all concerned DLOs and bankers to submit their upto date Action Taken Reports (ATRs) on their respective departments for onward submission to the State Government.

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Assam Rifles conducts awareness programmes in connection with World No Tobacco Day

Imphal, June 2,

Phundrei Bn of 9 Sector Assam Rifles under the aegis of Headquarter IGAR (South) organised awareness programmes across villages and schools in Thoubal District to mark the occasion of World No Tobacco Day, celebrated globally on 31 May 2018. A large number of school children, village members and local youth attended the event. Various topics including health hazards of tobacco, smoking, effects of tobacco chewing, linkage of tobacco consumption to various types of cancers and ways for rehabilitation were covered in the lecture conducted by the Company Commanders and Regimental Medical Officers of the unit. Posters, pamphlets and handouts were distributed during the awareness programme. The school and village authorities
conveyed their gratitude for the efforts of the Assam Rifles towards the cause of social welfare.

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Army saves snake bite victim

Imphal, June 2,
Tulihal Batallion of 9 Sector Assam Rifles under aegis of IGAR (South) saved the life of a snake bite victim on 01 June 2018. The victim named Jatra Singh, age 69 years, resident of Mayang Imphal (Konch), Imphal West District was bitten by a snake
and was immediately rushed to the unit hospital. The victim was readily attended by the medical team under the Regimental Medical Officer. The timely action of Battalion medical team not only saved precious human life but also reinforced good faith among the locals.

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Center for Manipur Studies , Manipur University is organising a 2 Day Seminar on Hinduism in Manipur

Manipur University
Canchipur, June 2,

Center for Manipur Studies is organising a 2 day seminar on the issue of the Religious, socio-political cultural and economic life of Pre-Hindu Manipur; State Patronage and Advent of Hinduism in Manipur and its evolution in Manipur;  Local Resistance, religious reform and revivalist movement; Hinduism and syncretisation with the native religious elements; Hinduism and its impact on Contemporary, intellectual life, and culture and any other related matter which is related with ‘Hinduism in Manipur’ which is the theme of the seminar.
The National Seminar which will be held on June 29 and June 30 will discuss the context against the backdrop of the concept note prepared by the Center for Manipur studies.
Hinduism has been followed in Manipur for more than a couple of century and half. The advent of Vaishnavism had been marked by the installation of the image of Vishnu in a temple at Lamangdong by King Kyamba (1467-1508). By mid 18th Century, more specifically during the reign of Garibniwaj (1709-48), Hinduism was declared as the state religion that was firmly consolidated by the successor kings. Garibniwaj undertook a repressive process of Hinduisations directly challenging the traditional native religious beliefs and practices. In the name of Hinduisation, all kinds of ‘Puyas’(Ancient Manuscripts) collected from nook and Corner of the state under the strict order of the king were consigned to flames in front of the Kangla Uttara in 1789 which is recorded in the annals of the state as ‘Puya Meithaba’.  Bengali scripts replaced Meitei scripts. Puyas and works in Meitei scripts were banned. Bengali and Sanskrit languages were patronized. Translation of Hindu epics and religious texts into Manipur was encouraged. Various altars were brought to the ground and many ‘Kopmais’ (Idol masks) of ‘Umanglai’ (Sylvan deities) were buried. Ritual performances of the traditional Meitei deities were taken away from the traditional priests by the Brahmans priests. Hindu calendar with ritual dates was introduced. Protests were displayed against the assertive Hinduisation by the defenders of the old Meitei traditional religion in their individual capacities. But, they failed to organize a collective counter-Hinduisation position. The name of the kingdom known by different names to the different people in different times was given the Hindu name of Manipur. It radically transformed the Meitei society into a new pattern of Hinduised social order. The glory of Hinduism reached its peak during the reign of Bhagyachandra or Jai Singh (1759-61; 1763-98). He earned the fame of introducing ‘Ras Leela’, the highest spiritual expression of worshipping Krishna in dance form. In contrast to the forced Hinduisation drive of Garibniwaj, Bhagyachandra seemed to have employed rather a soft, yet cautious approach of mass conversion. He introduced institutionalized mechanism of conversion. The Hinduism was subsequently solidified by Gambhir Singh (1825-1834), Nara Singh (1844-50),Chandrakirti (1850-86) and more unceasingly by Raja Churachand Singh ( 1891-1941). The Hinduised system was warmly welcomed in the first half of the nineteenth century by a religious reform movement more specifically during the rule of Churachand Singh. It never posed anti Hinduism or vaisnavite Hinduism in its aesthetics and essence but rather a challenge to ‘superstitious customs’ and malicious practices of the Brahma Sabha under the patronage of Maharaja Churachand Singh. One of the most significant factors, which led to the public fury and the central ideology of the reform movement, was the rampant misuse of religious authority by the Brahma Sabha on the complicated religious issue of ‘Mangba-Sengba’ (Impure and pure). Among the masses, Conversion was carried out by adopting a ritual ceremony called Nongkrang Iruppa which was revered as sacred and holy, followed by Sacred Thread Bearing Ceremony with compulsory recital of ‘Gayatrimantra’.
Almost contemporary to the reform movement, a venture to revive the traditional religion and culture also began under the initiative of Naoria Phullo with the establishment of Apokpa Marup in Cacahar in 1930. There are Scholars like Atombapu, who asserted the existence of
the prevalence the practice of Vedic religion in the pre­historic period by basing on the affinity of Vedic gods and Meitei deities. Phullo discarded such Aryan-theory of origin of Meiteis. Seeing Hinduism  as an exogenous intrusion which had destroyed the traditional religion, identity, culture and ways of life of the Meities, he advocated for unfolding the Meitei identity with the exposition of the traditional Meitei identity and way of life, worshipping of pure Meitei gods and goddesses and chanting of traditional hymns in Meitei language as liberation from Hindu bondage. However, the revivalist effort doesn’t culminated to the creating a distinct socio-cultural boundary between those who embraced Hinduism and those who continue to follow the native religion. However, those who embraced Hinduism also have not completely abandoned their native faith. Hinduism in Manipur, after coming into contact and having interaction with the native religious elements of rituals, customs and values, etc., have amalgamated and syncretised with it. These syncretisation of Hinduism with the native religious elements had given a distinct and unique identity of Manipuri Hindus as different from the Hindus of mainland India. It made an important contribution to the intellectual life of the people before the introduction of English education in Manipur. Hinduism, in fact had far reaching impact on the contemporary society, language, literature, art and architecture, sculpture and iconography, coins and epigraphy, and music and dance.
Delegate Fee: (Rs. 700 for Faculty and others/ Rs. 500 for Students)
Those desirous of presenting a paper are requested to submit their papers on or before 20th June to the Office of the Centre for Manipur Studies, MU Old Social Science Campus (mob: +91-8787685490) or at  email: manipurstudiesseminar @gmail.com

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Lecture on Woman Empowerment

Imphal, June 2,
The “Sentinels of North East” always take an initiative to educate the people and weed out the apathy from the minds of the people. This time 11 Assam Rifles of 26 Sector Assam Rifles under the aegis of Headquarters IGAR(South) carried out a
lecture on ‘Women Empowerment’ in T M Zoununnuam village of Moreh in Chandel dist. The villagers were made aware about the various programmes initiated by the Government to bring the women to the forefront of society. They were also told stories of various women who are the leading face in the country and taking lead in every aspect of the society. At the end, all the attendees comprising off 12 males, 14 females and 09 children were served with tea and snacks.

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